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Full text of "The expansion of South Carolina, 1729-1765"

THE EXPANSI ON 



of 



so UTH CAROLINA 



1729-1765 



ROBERT L. MERIWETHER 

Professor of History 
University of South Carolina 



SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE 

FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



SOUTHERN PUBLISHERS, Inc. 

KINGSPORT, TENNESSEE 

1940 



THE EX PAN S I O N 







f 



S O UTH CAROLI NA 



1729-1765 



By 
ROBERT L. MERIWETHER 

Professor of History 
University of South Carolina 

ROBERT LEE MERIl'.'ETKER 

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE 

FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



SOUTHERN PUBLISHERS, Inc 

KINGSPORT, TENNESSEE 
1940 



Copyright, 1940, by 
SOUTHERN PUBLISHERS, Ikc. 



Printing and Binding by 
KINGSPORT PRESS, Inc., Kingsport, Tennessee 



To 
J. G. M. 

Jnd 
H. O. M. 



PREFACE 

The peoples who settled in the uplands bordering the southern Blue 
Ridge and in corresponding areas of the northern colonies established a new 
and distinct American frontier. There was an essential unity in this "Old 
West," as F. J. Turner pointed out in 1908, but while similarity of industry 
and society bound its settlers together, other forces and factors split the 
section into segments. The first advance into the back country was by rivers 
and land routes from the nearest seaboard communities; colonial boundaries 
paralleled these natural transportation lines and cut across the piedmont. 
Thus provincial expansion and political authority established ties with the 
coast which were strengthened as trade increased. At the same time strong 
sectional feeling was developing, the South Carolina phase of which is ef- 
fectively traced in W. A. Schaper's "Sectionalism and Representation." 

The process which filled the back country with small farmers was not 
the only colonial expansion. An older and more spectacular movement, long 
before the settlement of the piedmont, carried English trade and influence 
into the heart of the continent. The earlier chapters of this story have been 
written with rare skill by Verner W. Crane in his Southern Frontier. The 
progress of the South Carolina back country, as in the case of several other 
colonies, was at times profoundly affected by the Indian trade and its ac- 
companying alliances, and a subordinate but important part of my work 
has been to set forth, from a superabundance of material, the later stages of 
imperial development. 

For the actual processes of South Carolina settlement — the primary con- 
cern of this book — there are, in comparison with other states, enormous and 
surprisingly complete records. Of material for some of the most important 
phases of intellectual life and daily routine, however, there is little or none. 
It is partly to compensate for the incompleteness of the picture, partly for 
their own inherent interest, that I have devoted so much attention to the 
prosaic yet eloquent records of individual settlers in their eager quest of land. 

This volume began with settlement and frontier studies under Profes- 
sors M. W. Jernegan and W. E. Dodd of the University of Chicago. It 
has been completed under the supervision of Professor E. B. Greene of Co- 
lumbia University, to whom grateful thanks are tendered for counsel and 
assistance. Professors G. P. Voigt of Wittenberg College, Ohio, and J. H. 
Easterby of the College of Charleston, and Miss Leah Townsend of Flor- 
ence, South Carolina, have read portions of the manuscript and have given 
aid on difficult problems. Professor D. D. Wallace of WofiFord College 
offered helpful criticisms on the draft of the first nine chapters which he had 

V 



vi Preface 

in hand while writing the first volume of his History of South Carolina, and 
suggested additional material. Professor J. A. Krout of Columbia Univer- 
sity, Miss Anne King Gregorie of Columbia, South Carolina, and Mr. C. L. 
Epting of Clemson College, have likewise read portions of the manuscript 
and made suggestions. The Social Science Research Council assisted by a 
grant covering a summer's work. My chief debt, however, is to my wife, 
Margaret Babcock Meriwether, for invaluable aid in the task of revision 
and in reading proof. 

Among curators and librarians I am most of all obliged to Mr. A. S. 
Salley, Secretary of the Historical Commission of South Carolina, who gave 
every facility for use of the records in his custody, secured duplicates from 
the British Public Record Office when this research disclosed gaps in series, 
and constantly assisted in identification of material. To Miss Harriet J. 
Clarkson and Mr. F. M. Hutson of the Historical Commission staff, to the 
staff of the office of the Secretary of State, and to Miss Mabel L. Webber, 
Secretary of the South Carolina Historical Society, are due likewise cordial 
appreciation and thanks. The gracious aid of Miss Ellen M. Fitzsimons, 
Librarian of the Charleston Library Society, and the help of her assistants, 
made the use of the files of newspapers there a pleasure. I am also indebted 
to the custodians of other libraries and offices noted in the bibliography and 
footnotes. 

This list of acknowledgements would not be complete without grateful 
mention of the fine courtesy and helpfulness of farmers, tenants and field 
laborers who discussed with me soil problems and helped to identify forgot- 
ten roads and sites of the old back country. 

Robert L. Meriwether. 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

THE BACKGROUND OF EXPANSION 

I. South Carolina in 1729 3 

II. Governor Johnson's Township Scheme 17 

THE SETTLEMENT OF THE MIDDLE COUNTRY 
—THE WESTERN TOWNSHIPS 

III. PURRYSBURG 34 

IV. Amelia and Orangeburg 42 

V. Saxe Goth a and the Congarees 53 

VI. New Windsor and the Salkehatchie Forks .... 66 

THE SETTLEMENT OF THE MIDDLE COUNTRY 
—THE EASTERN TOWNSHIPS 

VII. Williamsburg and Kingston 79 

VIII. Queensboro and the Welsh Tract 89 

IX. Fredericksburg and the Waterees 99 

THE SETTLEMENT OF THE BACK COUNTRY 

X. The Northwest Frontier 117 

XI. The Waxhaws AND the Upper Wateree 136 

XII. The Dutch Fork and Upper Broad River .... 147 

BACK COUNTRY AND FRONTIER 

XIII. The Back Country IN 1759 160 

XIV. The Southern Indians and Their Trade .... 185 

XV. The Cherokee War 213 

XVI. The Growth OF THE Back Country, 1760-1765 . . . 241 

vii 



MAPS 

PAGE 

1. South Carolina In 1729 2 

2. The Western Townships 32 

3. The Congarees 52 

4. The Eastern Townships 78 

5. The Back Country 112 

6. The Northwest Frontier 116 

7. The Back Country in the Cherokee War 212 



vm 



ABBREVIATIONS 

CSCHS: Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society 

JC: Journal of the Council 

JCHA: Journal of the Commons House of Assembly 

JUHA: Journal of the Upper House of Assembly 

P: Plats 

PR: Public Records of South Carolina 

SCAGG: South Carolina and American General Gazette 

SCG: South Carolina Gazette 

SCGCJ : South Carolina Gazette and Country Journal 

SCHGM : South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine 

Stats: Statutes at Large of South Carolina 



THE BACKGROUND OF EXPANSION 



CHAPTER I 

South Carolina in 1729 

It was in the year 1719 that the impatient South Carolinians overthrew 
the rule of the Lords Proprietors, but ten years passed before the leisurely 
negotiations were completed which transferred the great realm to the 
crown. The southern colony was at that time a squat triangle of settle- 
ment the base of which was the coast between Winyah Bay and Port Royal 
Sound, its apex the great bend of the Santee fifty miles inland, its white 
population ten thousand, its slaves twice that number. Two generations of 
Carolinians had laid the foundations of an English society and had brought 
their institutions to such maturity that they were to continue unchanged 
and dominant to 1776. Now, under the immediate protection of the 
British government and with a more liberal colonial administration. South 
Carolina was in position to receive its full share of the great German and 
Scotch-Irish migration which -was already filling up the colonies to the 
north. An even more important result of the ending of Proprietary rule 
was the setting free of forces within the province to exploit its resources 
and to grapple with its peculiar problems. 

The area of the present state of South Carolina is divided by the sand 
hills and the "fall line" into two sections, the low country or coastal plain, 
and the "up country" or piedmont. The former, nearly two-thirds of the 
whole, was until comparatively recent geologic ages covered by the sea, 
and the sand hills, veritable little mountains near the rivers but practically 
disappearing at points between, mark the former sea coast. The low 
country is itself composed of the upper and lower pine belts. The tide- 
water portion of the lower pine belt is a strip about thirty miles wide in 
the south narrowing to ten or fifteen beyond the Santee. It is traversed 
by a dozen considerable rivers and along the coast is cut into a fringe of 
islands by salt creeks and inlets which were navigable for the small boats of 
the eighteenth century.^ 

^ See H. H. Bennett, Soils and Agriculture of the Southern States (New York, 
1921), pp. 54—62; United States Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Soils, Field 
Operations of the Bureau of Soils, 1904, 1911, 1918 (Washington, 1905, 1914, 1924), 
Surveys of Charleston Area, Georgetown County, Horry County. Compare early 
descriptions, m\. S. Salley, Jr., ed., Narratives of Early Carolina (New York, 
1911), pp. S8-93, 101-104, 130, 170-171, 290; B. R. Carroll, ed., Historical Col- 
lections of South Carolina (2 vols., New York, 1836), I, 75-77, II, 467-468; 
American Husbandry (2 vols., London, 1775), I, 384-387; William Bartram, 
Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and fVest Florida 
(London, 1794), pp. 28-32. 

3 



4 The Expansion of South Carolina 

The swamp or marsh, sometimes several miles wide, bordering all these 
streams is interrupted from time to time by low bluffs abutting squarely 
upon the water. Among the islands and for a short distance above, the 
water is salt and is flanked by marsh grass only, but beyond this the tides 
are fresh and flow through jungles of cypress, bay and gum. Above the 
tide level in either portion are also to be found small creeks and lakes 
similarly wooded, or even meadow-like savannas. 

Scattered about in this half-drowned coast country lie high and dry 
areas, sometimes of large extent, originally covered with forests. Along the 
sea islands great live oaks overlooked the shining stretches of bay and 
sound, while farther back long-leaf pines made a grave and spacious con- 
trast to the dense growth bordering the clean dark streams. In the colonial 
period these dry portions were yielding good crops of corn, large amounts of 
naval stores, and pasturage for stocks of cattle and hogs. This soil was 
likewise used for the first experiments in growing rice, but the discovery 
was soon made that the wet black mold of the swamps was ideal for its 
production, and the new crop speedily became the staple of the province. 

The constant need of rice for water caused some planters before the 
middle of the century to dam the small streams for reservoirs from which 
they periodically watered the fields. By the end of the colonial period 
attempts had been made to control the growth of plant and weeds by 
alternately flooding and draining the fields. This method, transferred to 
the freshwater portion of the tide lands after the Revolution, was developed 
into the famous water culture. But in 1729 the planters for the most part 
merely selected the swamps of those streams, small or large, which were 
out of reach of the tides and depended on the hoe for cultivation.^ 

Most of the swamp area was a dead loss even for rice growing because 
of standing water or sheer inaccessibility, and an adequate amount of high 
land and desirable swamp was hard to secure except by taking up large 
tracts. Rice was an extremely heavy crop, and the planter sought to have 
his plantation front on navigable water whence he had ready access to the 
sea. Through the streams that fell into Charleston harbor, or through the 
inland passage from Charleston to the Savannah, boats from half the tide- 
water area could reach the town without touching the ocean. 

The work of clearing the ground, cultivating the plant, and cleaning 
the grain from the husk was arduous in the extreme, and in the hot wet 
swamp land only negroes could well endure it. Therefore the importation 
of slaves kept pace with the increase of the crop and early made South 
Carolina a region of large plantations, though the total acreage tended to 

2 Letter of Agricola, South Carolina Gazette (cited as SCG), Oct. 8, 1744; 
Carroll, Collections, II, 201-202; South Carolina Historical and Genealogical 
Magazine (cited as SCHGM), XXXII, 85-86; Lionel Chalmers, Account of the 
Weather and Diseases of South Carolina (2 vols., London, 1776), I, 3-41; Amer- 
ican Husbandry, I, 391-394; U. B. Phillips, Life and Labor in the Old South 
(Boston, 1929), pp. 116-117. See also below, p. 109. 



The Background of Expansion 5 

remain within moderate limits. By quit rents, sales, taxes, and settlement 
requirements, the Proprietors and the assembly restricted landholding. 
Furthermore, for the twenty years preceding 1731, the land office was 
practically closed, although from time to time the Proprietors made in- 
dividual grants of great tracts for little or nothing. However, the pro- 
vincial taxes fell heavily on land, and the grantees were often in no hurry 
to assume their obligations by fixing upon a site and surveying it.^ 

In 1720 there were 1,163,239 acres on the tax books, between five and 
six percent of which was in the parish of St. Philip, Charleston. Thus 
for the rural districts the acreage per capita was 71.* Estimating the pos- 
sible number of rural laborers at 7,000 or 7,500,^ the average amount of 
land to each was about 150 acres. In 1731 the taxed lands were 1,453,- 
875 acres, but the slave population had increased nearly seventy percent, 
and the white about fifty,® so that the acreage for each possible rural 
laborer had fallen to about 110. Large stretches of pine barren, marsh 
and irreclaimable swamp were included in these holdings. For a new 
country the amount was not excessive.^ 

^ Edward McCrady, History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Gov- 
ernment. 1670-1719 (New York, 1897), pp. 190, 279, 284, 554, n. 1, 557, n. 3, 580- 
581, 718-719; Statutes at Large of South Carolina, ed. by Thomas Cooper and 
D. J. McCord (9 vols., Columbia, 1836-1841— cited as Stats.), Ill, 34-38, 69-84, 257- 
265; Public Records of South Carolina, MS (bound copies of records in British 
Public Record Office; the accompanying identification will serve for reference to 
these papers, whether in the original or in print — cited as PR), XIII, 422 
(Governor Robert Johnson to Board of Trade, Dec. 19, 1729). 

■'PR, IX, 23 (James Moore, Mar. 21, 1721). The white population in 1719 was 
about 6,400, the slave 11,828. Charleston had about 1,400 whites and 1,400 
slaves — see ibid, and Edward McCrady, History of South Carolina under the 
Royal Government, 1719-1776 (New York, 1899), p. 807. The tax returns appear 
to be a fair indication of the holdings of land. For instance in 1770 Lieutenant- 
Governor Bull, the younger, said that "several hundred thousand" acres granted 
were not taxed, "owned, perhaps chiefly, by non-residents" (PR, XXXII, 400 — 
Representation, Nov. 30). A single tract doubtless accounted for nearly 200,000 
acres of this — the Hamilton survey in the back country (below, pp. 125-127, SCG, 
June 12, 1762, advertisement of Miles Brewton et. al.). For difficulties in the way 
of collecting taxes on lands of non-residents see Stats., Ill, 439, IV, 270-271. 

^ That is, white males and slaves able to work. Using the basis later given 
by Lieutenant-Governor Bull for calculation (see PR XXVIII, 352 — to Board, 
May 29, 1760), there were in South Carolina outside of Charleston in 1720 5,300 
slaves and 1,000 white males over sixteen. However, the number of negro 
laborers was much larger than the number from sixteen to sixty. The number of 
slaves between seven and sixty necessary to make up the South Carolina tax of 
1724 {Stats., Ill, 207) after deducting a land tax based on the provincial and 
St. Philip's acreage (PR, XXI, 346 — Benjamin W^hitaker, Observations [etc.] 
enclosed with his letter to Board, June 25, 1744), was about 9,200, or about two- 
thirds the slave population. 

^See PR, XV, 213 (Benjamin V^^hitaker, Sept. 21, 1732, received by Board 
Dec. 1, 1732), 87, 229 (Johnson to Board, received Jan. 26, Dec. 22, 1732), 163 
(James St. John to Board, received Sept. 6, 1732). 

"^ In 1733 Governor Burrington estimated the North Carolina population at 
thirty thousand whites and six thousand negroes — a larger population than that of 
South Carolina at that time, but perhaps a smaller labor force {Colonial Records of 
North Carolina— 10 vols., Raleigh, 1886-1890— III, 433), and in 1736 put the 
amount of land held at three million acres {ibid., IV, 158). 



6 The Expansion of South Carolina 

The rice production doubled during this decade; Charleston became a 
flourishing town of 3,000 souls, and the total exports amounted to £100,- 
000.^ With the rice market good and the supply of negroes increasing, 
the possibilities for wealth in the region between Cape Fear and the Al- 
tamaha River seemed almost unlimited. The white population however 
increased slowly, and in 1729 was less than a third of the total of 30,000. 
What visions of expansion and greater wealth the planters had were 
clouded by the danger of insurrection by the new and half-savage slaves. 
Formerly the problems of defense had been largely external, represented by 
the Spaniard and the Indian, but by 1729 there had come about a funda- 
mental change. Letters and papers of the time are full of allusions to the 
peril, and for forty years it remained perhaps the strongest influence in the 
province on public policy.^ 

South Carolina was thus a comparatively small community with inter- 
ests nearly uniform and it is not surprising that its local government was so 
little developed. The vestries, church wardens and rectors of the parishes 
were elected ; the parish government, besides providing for the church, had 
the care of the poor and conduct of elections.^" The militia officers and the 
justices of the peace were appointed by the governor, and the road com- 
missioners by the assembly. These oflices carried no salaries, however, and 
the appointees were necessarily of the community. As long as the popula- 
tion was small and the province compact this system made for efficiency and 
good government. 

Charleston and its flourishing trade presented the only serious threat 
to this unity. The merchants were creditors of the planters, and the in- 
terests of the two occasionally came into violent conflict. But after all 
Charleston was the planters' rather than the merchants' city. It was to a 
surprising extent the gathering point for all the resources and forces of the 
province, and the center from which practically all social influence and 
political control were exercised. Here in the late autumn met the General 
Assembly, the elective branch of which — the Commons House — was made 
up chiefly of planters, although the Charleston lawyers were an important 
factor.^^ By an act of 1721 the Commons was made a body of thirty-six 

8 PR, XIV, 32 (below, p. 19, n, 7), XV, 66-68 (Johnson to Board, Dec. 16, 1731), 
229 (above, n. 6). 

" For instances, see PR, VIII, 67 (Joseph Boone . . . , received by Board 
Aug. 23, 1720), XIII, 24 (Representation ... St. Paul's and St. Bartholomew's, 
received by Board Apr. S, 1728), XVI, 398-399, XVII, 300 (below, p. 22, n. 14), 
XVIII, 172-173 (below, p. 27, n. 28) ; Journal of the Upper House of Assembly, 
MS (cited as JUHA), Feb. 26, 1734; Journal of the Council, MS (cited as JC), 
July 12, 1751; Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society (5 vols., 
Charleston, 1857-1897— cited as CSCHS), I, 252; Col. Recs. of N. C, II, 421; 
Letter on Jamaica slave insurrection, SCG, July 1, 1732; Essay on Currency, pp. 4 
and 17. 

^° Stats., II, 287-291, 594, III, 51. 

^^ Compare the list of lawyers with that of the speakers of the Commons — 
McCrady, S. C. under the Royal Go'vernment, pp. 475, 802. 



The Background of Expansion 7 

members from eleven parishes, the representation varying from two to five. 
In the royal as in the Proprietary period the House was the chief power in 
the province. Individually and as a body its members had the political 
skill that came from long experience and careful attention to the affairs of 
government. Equally great was their self-confidence, the result of success- 
ful struggles with the Proprietors and constant grappling with the dangers 
that beset the isolated colony. French, Spanish and pirate attacks they 
had weathered or even signally defeated, and to their brilliant defense in 
the great Yamasee war of 1715 they looked back as to an heroic age. 
Finally in 1719 the Proprietors themselves, for years regarded as enemies, 
had been overthrown by the Commons.^" 

The governor's title was the highest in the colony, and he still had 
much authority. He was commander-in-chief of the militia and appointed 
its officers as well as the justices of the peace. He could call or dissolve 
the assembly and veto its acts. But his authority was closely restricted by 
the Commons' control of taxes and appropriations from which were paid 
three-fourths of the expenses of the government, including the salaries of 
the governor and chief justice and the pay of the garrisons and troops.^^ 
The transfer to royal government materially strengthened the position of 
the executive without altering these powers, for the cumbersome and in- 
efficient machinery of the British colonial system had little more than 
negative means of enforcing its orders. The crown like its governor had 
the rights of veto, appointment and removal, and as important were the 
favors that might be granted by the British government — bounties for 
products, relief from some pinch of the navigation acts, and defense for the 
province by ships of war or troops. 

Between the governor and the Commons House — between the province 
and the crown, in fact — stood the council, in a position anomalous but 
strategic. It advised the governor in all administrative matters and was 
likewise the upper house of assembly; its members were appointed by the 
crown, but were themselves well-to-do planters or merchants and drew no 
pay. They were therefore dependent upon neither governor nor Commons, 
and during the next thirty years rendered the province a service so generally 
excellent as to command almost unfailing respect. But the high honor of 
the position and the natural tendency of a body to increase its power caused 
the council to support the crown rather than the Commons where the 
prerogative or executive control was concerned. 

The usual point at issue between executive and Commons was, of 
course, the amount of taxes and appropriations. The governor, having 
the responsibility for the government, called for liberal expenditures, while 
the Commons, representing the taxpayers and themselves paying large 

^^ Stats., Ill, 137, JC, June 27, 1744, below, p. 234, SCG, June 2, 1766. 
^^ See, for instance, Stats., Ill, 186-188; W. R. Smith, South Carolina as a 
Royal Province, 1719-1776 (New York, 1903), p. 334. 



8 The Expansion of South Carolina 

amounts, were careful to the point of stinginess. Bound up with this issue 
was the problem of a medium of exchange. The province exported food- 
stuffs and raw material and imported manufactured goods and slaves; the 
balance of trade was therefore heavily against it, and the planters were al- 
most invariably in debt. Even in good times the currency was often in- 
sufficient for ordinary expenses of making or moving the crops, and, when 
business depression or an emergency entailing extraordinary government 
expense came upon the province, the planter bore a crushing burden of 
debt and taxes.^* 

The natural resort at such times was to issues of legal tender notes, 
with or without adequate provision for redemption. Thus the crisis was 
tided over without additional taxes, conduct of business was made easier 
by the increase of money in circulation, and last but hardly least the prompt 
depreciation of the currency resulted in a fifteen to thirty percent decrease 
in debts. When the Proprietary government was overthrown in 1719 the 
paper money in circulation had a face value of about eighty thousand 
pounds, but in sterling was worth only one-fifth that amount. Through- 
out the following decade the Commons fought to prevent the retiring of 
this money and even attempted to increase it. In 1723 when the desperate 
Charleston merchants protested against a new attack upon the debts due 
them, by a bill to increase the paper money by fifty percent, they were put 
under arrest for slander and contempt. During the dissension, the worst in 
the province since the fight over the establishment of the Anglican Church 
twenty years before, the council rather than the governor sided with the 
merchants. In this case, however, both yielded to pressure and the measure 
passed.^^ 

The act was promptly repealed by the crown, and the London mer- 
chants petitioning for the removal of the too sympathetic Governor Nichol- 
son, he was recalled two years later. Meanwhile he had, as ordered by 
the crown, secured from the assembly a law for retiring practically half 
the entire paper money of the province. This was to be done in annual 
installments as it was paid in for customs duties. The Commons almost 
immediately repented its action, which would in effect double all debts. 
The continued attacks by the Indians or escaped slaves, instigated by the 
Spanish, added to the expenses of the government, and made the planters 
fear complete ruin if the law of 1724 were to run its full course.^® Their 
representatives were amazingly fertile during the next six years in ex- 
pedients for staving off the evil day. The council and its senior member, 

^* See H. L. Osgood, The American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century (4 vols., 
New York, 1924), II, 373-375, Stats., Ill, 105-106, 188, IX, 759. 

^^ Stats., Ill, 188-193, IX, 770-776, Smith, S. C. as a Royal Province, pp. 235- 
240, PR, XIII, 270-335 (Representation of S. C. Council, Dec. 19, 1728). 

i«PR, XI, 231-23 5 (Petition of merchants to crown, Oct. 16, 1724), Osgood, 
Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, II, 376, Stats., Ill, 219-221. See also PR, 
XIII, 61-70 (President Arthur Middleton, June 13, 1728). 



The Background of Expansion 9 

Arthur Middleton, who now presided in the absence of the governor, were 
equally determined on enforcement and the contest culminated in rioting 
and a complete deadlock that lasted from 1727 to the end of 1730. At that 
time the paper money amounted to £106,500, and its value was one-seventh 
that of sterling." Meanwhile some of the more moderate spirits were 
working earnestly on this as well as on the greater problem of the slave 
population. In 1730 a solution of the two was presented in the shape of 
the new expansion policy. 

The ten or fifteen mile stretch of the lower pine belt adjoining the 
tidewater enjoyed advantages of transportation that made it practically a 
part of that more favored section, but beyond there was little to redeem the 
region. It was monotonously level and a fine compact sand prevailed; 
save for occasional gentle slopes near the streams and elsewhere the soil 
was poor and the drainage bad. Everywhere except in the swamps grew 
the long-leaf pine, often to the exclusion of other trees. These splendid 
but solemn vistas early gained for these districts the name of "pine bar- 
rens".^' 

The upper pine belt was far better suited to the purposes of the early 
settler. It ojFfered broad areas of nearly level or gently rolling land 
covered with pine or oak and the soil, a sandy loam, was easily worked and 
fertile though not rich. Bordering the streams or shallow lakes were 
cypress and gum swamps varying in width from a few yards to several 
miles. These swamps might tempt the rice planter, but neither in soil nor 
advantages of transportation could they compare with the tidewater.^® 
Northwest of this section the sand hills — wastes of coarse sand covered 
with scrub oak or pine — partially blocked the river valleys, the natural 
lines of communication between low country and piedmont, and for genera- 
tions served as barrier as well as dividing line between them. Further- 

^^ Stats., IX, 776, 779. This ratio continued with few fluctuations until the 
Revolution — see for instance ibid., p. 780, III, 482, D. D. Wallace, The History of 
South Carolina (4 vols., New York, 1934), I, 315 — and was the standard for 
salaries and payments in the province. In this work all figures are given in 
sterling at this rate unless otherwise stated, fractions of pounds being usually 
disregarded. The "proclamation money" often referred to in the records was not 
a real money, but an attempted standard for valuation of foreign coins set by royal 
proclamation. "Four pounds proclamation money" was about three pounds 
sterling. See Osgood, Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, I, 225; Stats., II, 563- 
565, III, 701; JC, Mar. 3, 1732. 

i^PR, XIV, 30 (Johnson to Board, Jan. 2, 1729), 261-262 (Thomas Lowndes 
to Board, Aug. 26, 1730), XXI, 101 (below, p. 81, n. 6). The lower pine belt in 
fact extends quite to the coast, but in the eighteenth century the problem of 
transportation alone made of the tidewater portion of it a separate section. 
For descriptions see Bennett, Soils of the Southern States, pp. 54-57, and Bureau of 
Soils, Field Operations, 1915, 1916, 1910, 1914 (Washington, 1919, 1921, 1912, 
1919), Hampton, Dorchester, Berkeley, Clarendon, Florence. 

^® See Bennett, Soils of the Southern States, pp. 60-62; Bureau of Soils, 
Field Operations, 1912, 1913, 1904, 1907, 1902, 1917, (Washington, 1915, 1916, 
1905, 1909, 1903, 1923), Barnwell, Bamberg, Orangeburg, Orangeburg Area, 
Sumter, Darlington Area, Marlboro. 



10 The Expansion of South Carolina 

more, navigation of rivers was halted at the upper edge of the sand hills by 
outcrops of rock which formed the shoals and low falls of the "fall 
line". The pine belts, between the tidewater and the sand hills, seemed 
designed by nature to form a distinct section, a transition from the tide- 
water to the piedmont — the middle country as it was occasionally called 
in later times. 

The first occupation of this middle country was military, and before 
1720 a line of garrisons marked off the territory that the province was 
forty years in settling. In the Yamasee War of 1715 South Carolina nar- 
rowly escaped destruction, and the continuation of Indian attacks for sev- 
eral years thereafter caused the assembly to establish four garrisons for the 
defense of the frontier; the first two, provided for in 1716, were placed 
at Port Royal and Savannah Town. Fort Moore, for the second garrison, 
was built on a high bluff on the east bank of the Savannah River, about six 
miles below the later town of Augusta.^" For trade with the Indians and 
defense against them it was the chief gateway to the South Carolina tide- 
water, as it was on the regular route from the Creeks, Chickasaws, 
Choctaws and part of the Cherokees. Between Charleston and Fort 
Moore freight seems to have gone almost entirely by water, using the river 
and the inland passage through the islands. There was likewise a path 
overland which ran through Dorchester, crossed the Edisto immediately 
below the mouth of Four Hole Swamp, then followed the South Fork for 
about thirty miles before striking across to the Savannah at Silver Bluff 
or Town Creek.^^ 

The only other entry from the southwest was by the Pallachuccolas, a 
crossing of the Savannah about sixty miles from its mouth. Here in 1717 
the assembly stationed a company of rangers, and in 1722 ordered the con- 
struction of "a small Pallisado Fort, and convenient huts to lodge in." 
This garrison was maintained until 1735, although its work was partly 
done by a fort built later on the Altamaha.^^ 

20 See CSCHS, II, 231-232, 235, Stats., II, 691, III, 8. Fort Moore was on the 
site of the chief town of the Savannahs, a branch of the Shawnees, who abandoned 
it a few years later, probably about 1720. The bluff is immediately below the 
mouth of Horse Creek. See John R. Swanton, Early History of the Creek Indians 
and Their Neighbors (Washington, 1922), pp. 317-318; Col. Recs. of N. C, II, 422; 
Henry Mouzon, Map of North and South Carolina (London, 1775). 

^^ The loaded boats drew three or four feet of water and carried forty 
barrels of rice. See Journal of the Commons House of Assembly, MS (cited as 
JCHA), Jan. 27, 1733; Feb. 10, 1737, and V. W. Crane, The Southern Frontier, 
1670-1732 (Durham, 1928), p. 128. For the land route see entries in Thomas 
Bosomworth's journal (Indian Books, MS, III, 23-149), pp. 23-24, 115; Year Book, 
City of Charleston, 1894, pp. 325-326; Swanton, Creek Indians, Plate 3; Plats, 
MS (cited as P), III, 176, VI, 245, 299; "Tobler Manuscripts" (see below, 
p. 67, n. 3), pp. 89-91, 94—95. For identification of the streams see maps of 
Barnwell and Colleton Districts in Robert Mills, Atlas of the State of South 
Carolina (Philadelphia, 1825). 

22 Stats., Ill, 24, 180, Smith, S. C. as a Royal Province, p. 209, 



The Background of Expansion 11 

The garrison at Fort Moore early became a nucleus for the most impor- 
tant Indian trading town that provincial South Carolina developed. Most 
of the men who came there were transients, Indian traders who received 
goods for the trade and brought back the deerskins, A few were em- 
ployed in keeping the stores or raising cattle. The assembly, wishing to 
build up a permanent settlement — doubtless in the hope of shifting to it the 
burden of defending this gateway — in 1721 enacted a law forbidding the 
execution of any civil writ of thirty pounds or less upon any person residing 
beyond the Three Runs, about twenty miles south of Fort Moore ; property 
of these persons was exempted from taxation, and their cattle when driven 
to the settlements could not be seized for debt. For the frontiersmen seek- 
ing these privileges a town was ordered laid out about Fort Moore to 
consist of three hundred half-acre lots with one thousand acres for a 
common ; this provision was not carried out, however, because of the re- 
fusal of the Proprietors to grant any land after the Revolution of 1719.^^ 

Seventy miles east of Fort Moore the sand hill barrier was pierced by 
the Congaree River. Along its west bank ran the Cherokee path, soon to 
become the most noted of the South Carolina routes to the Indian country 
and eventually the chief highway of the province and state. However, the 
Catawabas were a small tribe, the Cherokee trade was not well developed — 
"they being but ordinary Hunters & less Warriors", Governor Nathaniel 
Johnson explained in 1708 — and Virginia sent traders to both nations. 
Consequently the northern Carolina traffic was small in comparison with 
that of the southwest. Goods and traders came up the Cooper River to 
Strawberry, about thirty miles from Charleston, or by pack train along the 
road to the west of the river. Thence the path led across to Eutaw 
Springs on the Santee, but presently turned northwest skirting Halfway 
Swamp and kept the high ground a few miles from the river until it neared 
Congaree Creek. There was some navigation of the Santee, but land 
transportation was more important.^"* 

On the west side of the Congaree a petty tribe lived and hunted until 
the Yamasee War, when they retired to their kinsmen the Catawbas. Not 
only was their name given to the river itself and to a fine bold creek run- 
ning into it three miles below the shoals, but the northern part of the valley 
was known till the Revolution as "the Congarees". In 1717 the assembly 
provided that one of the four frontier garrisons — a captain and a dozen 

23JCHA Mar. 17, 1731, Stats., Ill, 122-124. This was repeated in an act of 
the next year (pp. 176-178). The exemption was for seven years. For the 
"town" see PR XII, 42 (Enclosure No. 4, Middleton to Gov. Nicholson, May 
1726) ; the same privileges were given the Pallachuccola garrison {Stats., Ill, 
182), but no settlement appears to have resulted. 

2* PR, V, 209 (to Board, Sept. 17, 1708); JCHA May 23, 1734; The Colonial 
Records of the State of Georgia (26 vols., Atlanta, 1904-1916) IV, 666; Crane, 
Southern Frontier, p. 129; A. S. Salley, Jr., George Hunter's Map of the Cherokee 
Country . . . (Columbia, 1917). 



12 The Expansion of South Carolina 

men — should be placed on the north side of the creek near its mouth. 
From this point the Cherokee path ran northwest along the high ground 
a few miles west of the Saluda to Ninety Six, while the Catawba path 
crossed the Congaree and ran north toward the Catawba towns a few 
miles south of the later North Carolina line. The resolution of the as- 
sembly in 1722 which directed the discharge of the Congaree garrison gave 
the provisions, with ten pounds of powder and twenty-five pounds of shot, 
to "the people that remain there", and these settlers, attracted chiefly by 
the possibilities of the Indian trade, were doubtless the beginning of a 
permanent white population.^^ 

There were other inhabitants of the middle country, but these too, 
whether white or Indian, were chiefly on its borders. Generally adjoining 
the tidewater, but at times on the frontier, were the cowpens, as the larger 
cattle-raising establishments were called. The cattle ranged for miles 
and were brought to the enclosures at regular intervals for branding. The 
cowpens were of course owned by men of considerable capital, but the 
following description of one of their employees is probably typical: "This 
North is a very mean and inconsiderable person one of those who in this 
country are called Cattle Hunters These sort of people from their con- 
tinual ranging the Woods are better acquainted with the land than any 
other set of men". Negroes were also used for this work.^*^ 

Since the expulsion of the Yamasees in 1715 there was no large tribe 
of Indians left within the middle country, but it still boasted some rem- 
nants of red peoples who at times played a part in the affairs of the 
province. Indeed the tidewater itself had fragments of the Ittewans, 
Cussoes, Winyaws, "Cape Fairs", St. Helenas, and others. They were 
quite inoffensive, and were valued for their services in hunting runaway 
negroes. In the Stono insurrection of 1739 they killed three of the re- 
bellious slaves and aided in the capture of others. They were allowed 
complete freedom in the settlements, but were subject to control by the 
justices of the peace, who could have them whipped for misbehavior.^^ 
On the borders of the middle country were other small tribes living under 
the same regulations and similarly valued though not so well behaved — the 
Uchees on the Savannah below Fort Moore, a few Creeks about the Pal- 
lachuccolas, the Waccamaws beyond the Santee, and the Peedees on the 
river of that name. The Tuscaroras were still further northeast, in North 

25 James Mooney, Siouan Tribes of the East (Washington, 1894), p. 80, Stats., 
Ill, 24. For location of the post see William Faden, Map of South Carolina . . . 
(London, 1780) ; George Haig, Map of the Townships and of the Cherokee 
Country, MS; JCHA, June 14, 1722; below, p. 53. 

2«See JCHA, June 14, 1722; JUHA, Dec. 15, 1732; SCG. Feb. 15, 1735; P, III, 
21; Col. Recs, of Ga., IV, 314-315; PR, XV, 210 (Benjamin Whitaker, Sept. 21, 
1732, received by Board Dec. 1, 1732). 

2^JC, Mar. 1, Dec. 16, 1743, July 6, 1750, May 20, 1751; JCHA May 12, 
1731, Feb. 4, 1734, Nov. 29, 1739; Stats., Ill, 327, 332. 



The Background of Expansion 13 

Carolina, and were consistently enemies of the southern province and its 
Indians.^* 

Ninety miles north of the Congarees dwelt the Catawbas who were, to 
all intents, another frontier garrison. They were the bitter enemies of the 
Iroquois of New York and almost as hostile to their neighbors the Chero- 
kees, who were of Iroquoian stock. From the South Carolina standpoint 
their position was almost ideal, for invaders from the north must pass near 
them. In 1729 they numbered, including the Waterees, about four hundred 
warriors. Soon afterwards the Cheraws and some of the Peedees joined 
them, but liquor, smallpox, the advance of South Carolina settlement and 
the ceaseless attacks of the Iroquois thinned them in a single generation to 
a beggarly band of four score that often depended on the charity of the 
South Carolina government. The presence on the northern border of the 
faithful and courageous warriors was itself more than recompense for these 
doles, but the Catawbas further served the colony by coming down from 
time to time to hunt negroes out of the swamps and were counted as part 
of the available military force of the province.^ 

Two hundred miles from the Congarees and four hundred from Fort 
Moore lay the country of the greater Indian nations of the southwest, and 
the outermost circle of South Carolina interest. The three thousand war- 
riors and the fifty or sixty towns of the Cherokee tribe were settled in four 
divisions in the southern mountains. On the Keowee and other waters of 
the Savannah River were the Lower Towns; across the Blue Ridge were 
the Middle Settlements, the most important division, holding the upper 
branches of the Little Tennessee; fifty miles below them were the Over- 
hills, while farther west on the Hiwassee were the Valley Towns. The 
Lower Towns were practically in the Carolina piedmont; the others were 
reached only by passes through the lofty mountains that were dangerous 
even for pack trains. The Cherokees were the most intelligent and civilized 
of the southern tribes, but not the most warlike. They were dominated 
by the Iroquois and bullied by other northern Indians. Their confederacy 
was a very loose union over which an Overhills chief presided, but neither he 
nor the headmen of the individual towns had any real control. From an 
early date the South Carolinians considered the Cherokee country an open 
door to their province, a threat to their safety second only to the slave prob- 
lem. From the Mississippi valley the French could attack the Cherokees 
with ease; with even greater facility the Cherokees could devastate South 

28 JC, Mar. 19, 1731, May 26, Aug. 27, 1742, Aug. 17, 1743; JUHA, Mar. 20, 
May 29, 1735, May 25, 29, 1742; JCHA, Apr. 18, 1733, Nov. 13, 1734, May 27, 
1742; Stats., Ill, 142; below, pp. 73-74, 93. 

2^ Mooney, Siouan Tribes, p. 73, James Adair, History of the American Indians 
(London, 1775), pp. 223-224; below, p. 93; JC, Apr. 14, Dec. 14, 1743; JCHA, 
Mar. 1, 1743, June 8, 1748, Nov. 25, 1755; PR, XX, 180, XXVIII, 352 (below, p. 
26, n. 26, above, p. 5, n. 5); SCG, Aug. 9, 1760; JUHA, May 29, 1735, July 8, 
1742. 



14 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Carolina, while a counter-attack across the mountain wall was all but im- 
possible. For the present, however, the French were far away and the 
Cherokees, dependent upon the Virginia and South Carolina trade, were 
the least troublesome of the larger tribes.^** 

The Creeks were about fifteen hundred warriors at this time. The 
Lower Creeks (often called the Cowetas), the less numerous portion of the 
tribe, had their towns on the Chattahoochee River. The Upper Creeks or 
Coosas lived on the Alabama and its branches. The Creek position was 
peculiar, for their lands touched those of the three white peoples of the 
continent and those of three important red nations. They wisely chose to 
be neutral where the whites were concerned, but played their part with 
such boldness and success that they appeared as dictators rather than suitors. 
The French had forts at Mobile and on the Alabama and Tombigbee 
Rivers but were too weak to control the tribe, while the English were at 
too great a distance. Furthermore the Creeks were rapidly increasing in 
numbers — doubling in thirty years — and long before the Revolution were 
spoiling for the great fight that did not come until 1812.^^ 

West of the Upper Creeks, in the east central part of the present state 
of Mississippi, were the Choctaws, about five thousand men. They were 
not great fighters, and hemmed in as they were by the French on the 
Mississippi and the Gulf they could not maintain neutrality. But the 
French were not able fully to supply them with goods, and the Carolina 
merchants longed for their trade.^^ 

North of the Choctaws, between the branches of the Mississippi and the 
Tombigbee, was the small tribe of the Chickasaws. They were the boldest 
of the southern Indians, surpassing the Catawbas in courage and fighting 
skill. Their position partly commanded the French line along the Missis- 
sippi, and they used it for constant attacks upon passing cargoes and ex- 
peditions. The French in turn, with their allies the Choctaws, made such 
incessant attacks upon the hated Chickasaws as to reduce their fighting men 
from about six hundred in 1730 to less than half that number twenty-five 
years later. But in the face of annihilation they held to their beloved 
ground and to the English alliance. The South Carolinians cherished 
them for their invaluable service as they did the Catawbas, and the traders 
loved the "cheerful brave Chikkasah" as they did no other tribe.^^ 

The alliances and enmities of these ten thousand southwestern warriors 

^° Crane, Southern Frontier, pp. 130-131; Adair, American Indians, p. 227. 
"whereas, the safety of this Province does, under God, depend on the friendship 
of the Charokees to this Government" {Stats., Ill, 39) ; see also JCHA, Dec. IS, 
1736. 

^^JCHA, Mar. 6, 1734; Adair, American Indians, p. 259 (apparently on the 
authority of Lachlan McGillivray — see p. 279). 

^^Ibid., pp. 282-283; JCHA, Mar. 6, 1734. 

^^ Adair, American Indians, pp. 3, n., 340-341, 352-358, and map; Swanton, 
Creek Indians, pp. 417, 449; JCHA, July 23, 1740; JC, June 18, 1755; Indian 
Books, III, 196-202. 



The Background of Expansion 15 

were a source of infinite perplexity to their English, French and Spanish 
neighbors. Various factors helped to determine these relations, but all, 
even the great question of available planting or hunting land, gave place 
to the overmastering influence of the Indian trade. To the Indians, w^ho 
had almost completely forgotten how to make hatchets, knives and bows, 
the trade in arms, ammunition and blankets was a matter of life and death. 
To the Charleston merchants the deerskins meant nearly a fourth of the 
total exports of South Carolina, one of the most profitable but most haz- 
ardous investments in the province.^* 

The three hundred men known as Indian traders, the agents of the 
merchants in getting these skins, were officially divided into two classes.^^ 
The principal trader was often a man of education and standing, attracted 
to this dangerous business by love of adventure and hope of fortune, or 
perhaps driven to the woods by threat of imprisonment for debt. These 
men, whether solvent or not, made their arrangements with the Charleston 
merchants, hired the many packhorsemen necessary — sometimes employing 
other responsible traders — and maintained trading stores at Savannah 
Town, Augusta, the Congarees, or Ninety Six. The term Indian trader, 
however, was also applied to the hundreds of packhorsemen, whose stand- 
ing in regard to the white community was nearer that of outcast than 
exile. Illiterate, irresponsible, often fugitives from justice, and as a class 
lacking in any sense of decency or morality, they were, more than any 
others, objects of scorn and wrath to the orderly members of society. Yet 
their reckless courage on other occasions, their skill and endurance, some- 
times won for them well deserved tributes of admiration and gratitude. 

The packhorseman was seldom prominent save by reason of his mis- 
deeds, but the principal trader was more than the owner or manager of a 
large commercial enterprise — he was the ambassador of the provincial 
government to his particular Indian nation. He regularly corresponded 
with the governor about the trade, the prevailing sentiment of the Indians, 
and the schemes of the French. He was constantly charged by the provin- 
cial government with diplomatic missions, some of them involving great 
difficulty and danger. Self-interest and patriotism impelled him to the 
faithful performance of these tasks, and British imperialism had no more 
aggressive nor more ardent agent. The trader's life and goods were com- 
pletely at the mercy of the Indians, and were likely to be forfeit for his 
own misconduct or any blunder of his government. He was in turn pro- 
tected by the Indians' fear of losing the trade, by the pressure of the 
Charleston merchants on the government, and by his own more or less 
permanent matrimonial connection with some Indian woman. When war 
came it was the faithfulness of these women and their halfbreed children to 

^ See Carroll, Collections, II, 237-238, Crane, Southern Frontier, p. 330. 

25 PR, XVII, 412^21 (below, p. 187, n. 8); Crane, Southern Frontier, pp. 
124—125. Adair, American Indians, pp. 412-415, describes the life of the principal 
trader among the Indians. 



16 The Expansion of South Carolina 

which most of the traders, both employers and packhorsemen, owed their 
lives. 

The Spaniards sometimes complicated relations with the Indians, but 
the real rivals of the Carolinians were the French. The crown, however, 
refused to build forts in the Indian country, and the planter-controlled 
Commons House cared to guard only the immediate entrances to the prov- 
ince at Fort Moore and the Pallachuccolas. It was left therefore to the 
governor and the council to push English interests in the southwest. In 
this work they had the assistance of the Charleston merchants and of the 
daring and astute traders, and above all the aid of the English woolens — 
better, cheaper and more plentiful than those of the French. The very 
isolation of the province was an advantage, for it made the Indians de- 
pendent upon the Carolina merchants and traders. 

An impartial observer of the province in 1729 might have doubted 
whether the situation held more of promise or threat. For the planters 
the possibilities of rice production in the abundant swamp lands were of?- 
set by the slave problem, while easy financing of their industry was blocked 
by the relentless opposition of the merchants and the crown to paper 
money. For the merchant the returns from rice and slaves were con- 
stantly threatened by paper money issues and the Indian trade menaced by 
French interference, or the desire of the Commons to restrict rather than 
defend it. Nor was it easy to appraise the political situation. The planters 
controlled the government and their skill and vigor were beyond dispute ; 
but the influence of the merchants on the governor was strong, and they had 
the ear of the crown. Either party could completely block the government, 
and such a deadlock had existed since 1727. It was high time for a gov- 
ernor with a real program. 



CHAPTER II 
Governor Johnson's Township Scheme 

In the same year that South Carolina passed to the crown Robert John- 
son was appointed governor. It would have been hard to improve upon 
this choice, for, aside from his abilities, Johnson's connections and record 
were such as to give him prestige and inspire confidence. He was the son 
of a former governor and had himself held that office from 1717 to 1719. 
In the warfare with the pirates he had behaved with courage and decision, 
and in the Revolution of 1719, despite the former ill treatment of him by 
the Proprietors, he had done his full duty by them. Finally, as a Carolina 
planter he was acceptable to the dominant group of the province. For 
years he had been seeking his old office, and now at the age of forty-seven 
he was ready to add new honors to an already successful career. He sold 
his estate in England and cast his lot wholly with his people.^ 

Governor Johnson's name will always be associated with what he called 
his "Township scheam" for the settlement of the South Carolina slave 
problem. There were several sources upon which to draw for such a plan. 
Both Proprietors and assembly had tried to increase the white population 
by the occasional or indirect methods of encouragement characteristic of 
the other colonies. The Proprietors in 1716 had vaguely promised the 
Yamasee lands to settlers, and the assembly had accordingly passed an act 
for settling that frontier with Protestants from Great Britain, Ireland, or 
the American colonies. It offered three hundred acres to each free male of 
military age, with fees paid, and the promise of exemption for four years 
from taxes and from the regular purchase price of Proprietary lands. This 
encouragement was published in Ireland and a number of Protestants came 
over, but in 1718 the Proprietors repealed the act and the plan collapsed. 
The acts for establishing settlements about the frontier forts have been 
mentioned." The favorite measure of the Proprietary period, however, 
was forced employment of indentured servants on the plantations, and in 
1716, after the Yamasee war, an act was passed requiring planters to keep 
one male white servant for each ten slaves, and providing aid for importing 
them. This measure, though soon repealed, was in effect reenacted in 

1 CSCHS, I, 250, SCG. May 10, 1735. 

^CSCHS, I, 164, Stats., H, 641-646; PR, XVH, 125-126 (Affidavit of Andrew 
Hogg, enclosed with Port Royal Petition, Oct. 23, 1734) ; above, p. 11. For other 
colonies compare F. J. Turner, The Frontier in American History (New York, 
1920), pp. 86-92; S. A. Ashe, History of North Carolina, I (Greensboro, 1908), p. 
254. 

17 



18 The Expansion of South Carolina 

1726. Another law in 1725 directed the planter to maintain a male white 
servant to each two thousand acres of land. Later records indicate that 
these measures were irregularly enforced, although there were many white 
servants in the province.^ 

Another mode of encouraging settlement which found much favor was 
the granting of large tracts of land to adventurers who would undertake 
to import Protestants from Europe to settle upon them. These projects 
were common after the Revolution of 1719, but could not be put into 
effect because of failure to agree upon terms.* A plan of this sort for a 
settlement of poor people from England between the Savannah and the 
Altamaha finally evolved into the colony of Georgia. Other promoters re- 
lied mainly on Switzers and Palatines, whom they hoped to turn from 
the beaten track to Pennsylvania. In this group was the Swiss land agent. 
Colonel Jean Pierre Purry, whose proposals antedated Johnson's settlement 
scheme and had their part in its formation.^ 

Besides the South Carolina experiments and the proposals of the pro- 
moters, there were other possible sources for a general settlement policy. 
Francis Nicholson, governor of South Carolina from 1721 to 1724, was 
governor of Virginia in 1701 when a frontier settlement plan was con- 
ceived which bears a close resemblance to that later adopted for the south- 
ern province. The New England town method of settlement was well 
known, nor were there lacking New Englanders in South Carolina to ex- 
plain its advantages. In a real sense, however, the forerunner of Johnson's 
plan was the project of an earlier South Carolina leader. Colonel John 
Barnwell. In 1720 and 1722, following the Yamasee conflict and the 
War of the Spanish Succession, he had proposed the establishment of 
forts on the Savannah and Altamaha Rivers, with townships to be settled 
about them, for defense against the French, Spaniards and Indians.^ But 
before this plan could be put into effect eight years had passed, eight 
thousand new negroes had been set down in South Carolina, and it was 
necessary for a planter governor to revise and elaborate the project to make 
it fit a newer and now more pressing need. 

It was a master stroke that evolved from these inherited materials the 
plan which made peace between planter and merchant, financed settlement 

^Stats., II, 646-649 (see also VII, 363), III, 14-15, 255-257, 272; VII, 363; see 
SCG, Nov. 8, 1742, Jan. 14, 1764. 

*See CSCHS, II, 123, 232-233; PR, XIII, 39, XIV, 12-13, 25-27 (Board of 
Trade Journal, Sept. 10, 1728, June 11, Dec. 3, 1730), 48-53 (Thomas Lowndes to 
Board, received Mar. 5, 1730). Compare Crane, Southern Frontier, pp. 281- 
294. 

5 See ibid., pp. 251, 294, 303-325; PR, XII, 190 (John Vat to crown, about 
January 1727), 390 (Thomas Lowndes, Oct. 11, 1729, received Oct. 31, 1729). 

" See Turner, Frontier, pp. 85-86, and the admirable treatment of the external 
defense problem and the place of this plan in it in Crane, Southern Frontier, 
pp. 228-234, 282-283. 



The Background of Expansion 19 

of townships from the sinking fund, and projected a ring of settlements 
which were to strengthen the province against internal as well as external 
dangers. In February 1730, at the instance of Governor Johnson, twenty- 
one men signing themselves merchants of London laid before the Board of 
Trade a memorial which, for merchants, exhibited a new and surprising 
tenderness to problems that were really the planters' own/ The memorial 
stated that the province was under a heavy debt from the Indian war and 
from large yearly expenses for frontier defense, and that its exports were a 
hundred thousand pounds sterling, although its currency was equal to only 
fifteen thousand. Therefore they requested that the receipts from customs 
reserved by the existing law for the retirement of the currency be ap- 
propriated to furnishing tools and provisions for poor Protestant settlers. 

Some of these merchants had plantations in the province, but even with 
their champions thus compromised the affair was a signal victory for the 
planters. The memorial was followed by Governor Johnson's "Scheem . . . 
for Settling Townships", which was given to the Board March 7th and 
further explained later. The governor proposed that the crown grant ten 
townships on the frontier of twenty thousand acres each. The settlers in 
them should have lots in the town and lands in the township. There 
should be extra lots for churches and schools, and when the population of 
any township reached a hundred householders, it should send one or two 
members to the assembly.^ 

In June 1730 the Board completed the one hundred and twenty-four 
articles of Johnson's instructions, including sections which made a com- 
plete land and settlement system as far as the crown could provide it. The 
twentieth instruction authorized the governor to assent to the suspension of 
the act of 1724 for retiring the currency, and to the application of the duties 
for seven years "to the charge of Surveying and laying out Townships, & 
to the purchasing of Tools, provisions and other necessaries for any poor 
Protestants that shall be desirous to settle in Our Said Province." This 
was on the condition, however, that the suspending clause be a part of "an 
effectual Law" for registering grants and regulating quit rents. The 
forty-second instruction directed the governor to urge the assembly to enact 
a law for annulling excessive grants of land which remained uncultivated, 

^PR, XIV, 32-33 (Representation to Board, received Feb. 4, 1730), XVII, 333- 
335 (William Wood, received by Board July 3, 1735). July 28, 1729, Governor Bur- 
rington of North Carolina befriended his neighbors by stating to the Board his 
opinion that the expenses of their government had been four times as great 
as those of any other continental colony, and that they must be allowed to sink 
their currency by degrees (PR, XIII, 373). See also Johnson's letter of Dec. 19, 
1729 to the Board (pp. 421-426). 

«PR, XIII, 339-342 (Stephen Godin to Board, July 25, 1729), XIV, 54-60, 
71-74, 89-91 (Johnson to Board, received Mar. 7, 18, Apr. 30, 1730). Note error 
on p. 60 corrected by Wallace, History of S. C, I, 334. Johnson proposed that the 
funds be devoted to "paying the passage and buying of Provisions and tools for 
poor protestant people that will go over. . . ." (PR, XIV, 57). 



20 The Expansion of South Carolina 

and ordered him to give no more than fifty acres for each person, white or 
black, in the grantee's household. No grant might have a river front of 
more than one-fourth its depth.^ 

The preamble to the forty-third instruction recited the proved success 
of townships in the settlement of New England. Johnson was directed to 
lay out eleven of them "on the Banks of Rivers at Sixty Miles distance 
from Charles Town": two each on the Altamaha, Savannah, and Santee, 
and one each on the Pon Pon, Wateree, Black, Peedee and Waccamaw. 
Each grantee was to have a lot and for each head in his family was to 
receive fifty acres in the township. The instruction further reserved the 
land within six miles of the township for the future use of the inhabitants. 
The forty-fourth directed that each township be later erected into a parish ; 
when the parish with the six mile reservation had one hundred house- 
holders it should send two members to the assembly. The forty-fifth re- 
served three hundred acres near the town for a common. The forty-sixth, 
after referring to the need for whites, ordered the governor to "recommend 
in the Strongest Terms to the Assembly" encouragement for white servants, 
and offered them, when their terms expired, the full grant of land and ten 
years' exemption from quit rents. The forty-seventh extended this ex- 
emption to the township settlers. 

By providing for two townships on the Altamaha, far beyond the 
present area of Carolina settlement, the crown was extending the frontier 
into the land claimed by Spain, and toward the French territories. Had 
this instruction stood, and had the territory not been alienated from South 
Carolina an interesting process in frontier defense might have been de- 
veloped. Instead, the two Altamaha townships were taken for a new 
colony designed to protect the Carolina rice plantations as well as to be an 
outpost of the British empire. To prevent the recurrence of the South 
Carolina problems on this new frontier slavery was prohibited by the 
Georgia Trustees and landholdings were limited to five hundred acres, 
with provision for descent in the male line. But these peculiar devices 
kept whites out of the colony almost as effectively as they did negroes, and 
to maintain the outpost Parliament spent a hundred and thirty thousand 
pounds in twenty years. ^° It is as interesting as it is idle to reflect on the 
possible results of extension of settlement to the Altamaha under the South 
Carolina government ; a subsidy of half that amount from Parliament 

^ PR, XIV, 147-214 (Instructions to Johnson; in 1755 the instruction for 
granting land was changed to allow 100 acres to the head of the family — XXVI, 
315, instructions to Lyttelton). The instructions for encouragement of settlers, 
and the provincial acts putting them in effect did not preclude giving aid to im- 
migrants from other American colonies, but Johnson had specified Protestants from 
Europe (XIV, 57), and it is clear that this was likewise the intention of the crown 
and of the assembly. 

^° Crane, Southern Frontier, p. 294, C. C. Jones, Jr., History of Georgia (2 vols., 
Boston, 1883), I, 106-112, Osgood, Colonics in the Eighteenth Century, III, 46, 
54-64. 



The Background of Expansion 21 

would have provided for frontier forts and garrisons and larger aid and 
adequate protection for tovi^nship settlers. The British government would 
thus have strengthened its southern frontier by utilizing and directing the 
economic forces of the time instead of flying in their face. 

With the completion of Johnson's instructions the chief work of the 
imperial government was done, and the program went with the governor 
to South Carolina to be enacted into law and administered. Johnson ar- 
rived in Charleston in December 1730 and called the assembly to meet in 
January. The provincial debts had remained unpaid for four years, and 
no taxes except customs duties had been collected since 1727. The back 
claims were £15,000 and the needs of the current year amounted to about 
£4,000 more. The latter sum was provided for by a tax on land and 
negroes; for the former there was available in the treasury nearly £6,000, 
the accumulation from the duty law.^^ 

To pay the remaining £9,000 without a further tax upon a people who 
had recently endured a prolonged period of distress, the assembly, in equal 
disregard of the instructions of the crown and the larger interests of the 
province, invaded the settlement fund. The instructions to the governor 
allowed the suspension of the act of 1724 on the condition that the entire 
fund for retiring the currency be applied to settlement. "The appropria- 
tion law", as it came to be known, estimated the annual receipts from the 
duty act at £1,857, £1,214 of it from negroes imported. The £9,000 of 
the provincial debt was paid in orders bearing interest at five percent, and 
for the retirement of these the negro duty was pledged for seven years. 
The remainder of the customs receipts was appropriated to the laying off of 
townships, paying the passage of poor Protestants, and buying provisions 
and tools for them.^^ The other pressing problem of the day, the question 
of land titles under the Proprietary grants, was attacked in the quit rent 
law. In this act the assembly, after providing an inadequate system for 
collection of the rents, boldly legalized these titles provided that some part 
of the land had been, or should be in two j-ears, surveyed by a sworn 
surveyor. The clauses of the appropriation bill for suspending the sinking 
fund act and for the appropriation of duties were tacked on to this bill.^^ 

The wisdom of this procedure was doubtful in the extreme. It unduly 
aided the land speculators and threatened to cripple the settlement fund ; 
it must inevitably offend the Board of Trade, which had advised the con- 
cession so needed by the province, and strengthen the position of those 

"JC, Dec. 17, 1730; PR, XIV, 220-222 (Alexander Cuming's Memorial to 
Newcastle, July 11, 1730), XV, 37 (Johnson to Board, Nov. 14, 1731); Stats., Ill, 
308-317, 334. 

'^~ Stats., Ill, 334-341. The duty was 11:8^ on negroes over 10 years of age, 
and half that amount for children under 10 {ibid., p. 160). Note that according to 
the preamble only £643 would be available for settlement purposes. The estimate 
in the quit rent act is £714 (ibid., p. 301). 

^^ Stats., Ill, 289-304, B. W. Bond, Jr., Quit Rent System in the American 
Colonies (New Haven, 1919), pp. 318-326. 



22 The Expansion of South Carolina 

interests, both colonial and British, which were utterly opposed to paper 
money and to taxes on importations of negroes. However, those holding 
Proprietary grants were entitled to some consideration ; the crown, by im- 
posing the very heavy quit rent of four shillings proclamation money per 
hundred acres instead of the former one shilling, put strong pressure upon 
the colony to evade this burden ; and a planter assembly was prone to be 
generous with public land. On the 20th of August Governor Johnson as- 
sented to both laws, and they were laid on the knees of the home govern- 
ment. 

The Board of Trade recommended the repeal of both the quit rent and 
appropriation laws, but Peregrine Furye, the provincial agent, and Francis 
Yonge, a member of the council who was at that time in London, defended 
them with skill and address. Yonge advised the approval of the quit rent 
law lest the assembly pass a worse one. Furye showed that the Bristol 
and London slave merchants who were urging repeal of the appropriation 
law were aiming at repeal of the negro duties rather than application of 
them to settlement, and at retirement of all of the currency, which would 
ruin the province. On April 9, 1734, the governor, council and Commons 
House completed an elaborate representation to the king on the state of the 
province, which dwelt eloquently on the danger from the French, Spanish 
and slaves." This was shrewd playing on British imperial fears, for the 
crown could ill afford to weaken or antagonize its bulwark against French 
aggression in the southwest. The quit rent law was finally allowed to 
stand, and in 1735, when the appropriation law had nearly run its course, 
the Board of Trade proposed a new instruction to Johnson to secure a law 
assigning the whole negro duty to settlement — a measure already adopted 
by the assembly a month before.^^ 

Meanwhile in the province the settlement fund, having run the gaunt- 
let of the legislature, was sustaining with almost equal damage the as- 
saults of colonial officialdom. The first serious difficulty arose over the 
fees for surveying the townships. The logical one to do this work was 
Surveyor-General James St. John, appointed by the crown in March 1731. 

i*PR, XV, 239-246 (Treasury Board to Board and Board to crown, Oct. 6, 
Nov. 1, 1732), XVI, 228, 230 (Board of Trade Journal, Feb. 20, Mar. 22, 1734), 
366-386 (Council Committee to Board, July 23, 1734 and enclosures), XVII, 
32-77 (William Wood et al, to Board, Sept. 10, 1734), 196-231 (Peregrine 
Furye to Board, Dec. 3, 1734), 262-266 (Board of Trade Journal, June 24, July 
3, 4, 1735), 286-295 (Francis Yonge to Board, Feb. 18, 1734), 300-301 (Furye and 
Yonge to Board, Mar. 8, 1735). Furye declared that: "such was the Scarcity 
and necessity of Paper Currency in Carolina that several Merchants there issued 
no less than 50,000 in Notes depending on their own private Creditt bearing 
an Interest at 10 p Cent . . . which notes they stamped with the Emblems of 
Liberty charity mercy and Justice and yet they complain against the Publick for 
makeing and issuing orders on a Fund and bearing" five percent interest 
(XVII, 212). For the representation see PR, XVI, 388-401 or JCHA, Mar. 6, 1734. 

i^PR, XVII, 266-267 (above, n. 14), 347-349 (Board to Council Committee, 
July 11, 1735), 372-373 (William Wood to Board, Sept. 3, 1735), 388-389 (Order 
in Council, Oct. 13, 1735) ; Stats., Ill, 409^11. 



The Background of Expansion 23 

However, his large though vague designs upon the township fund led him 
to reject the offer of the governor and council of seventy-one pounds for 
surveying the lines of each township, even though this would have left 
intact the fees for each settler's tract as it came to be surveyed. Members 
of the council were thereupon assigned to the task, and by November 1732 
six of the townships had been "laid out", although the failure of some of 
the councillors to mark the line circumscribing the reserved areas made it 
easy for outsiders to encroach upon them.^^ 

But the real enemy of St. John was the Commons, which had so 
phrased the quit rent law as to make inroads upon his fees. Furthermore, 
after a committee report that he was collecting the fees twice on the same 
survey, an act was passed strictly regulating his ofEce. In turn St. John 
made what trouble he could for his accusers, and in this he was aided by 
one with far more brains than he — Benjamin Whitaker, later chief justice, 
conspicious for his legal attainments and capacity for public service. 
Recently ousted from the office of attorney-general, he just now filled no 
higher post than that of deputy surveyor-general, and for his partisan at- 
tacks in some measure deserved Johnson's sour characterization of him as 
"the Craftsman amongst us". In separate letters to the officials of the 
home government and in representations to Johnson himself St. John and 
Whitaker charged the governor and the assembly with being the principals 
in a huge land grab.^^ They declared the governor had interpreted his in- 
structions to grant no more than fifty acres per head as allowing him to 
give the planters fifty acres for every slave they had, regardless of the 
amount of land they already held.^^ The quit rent act had added to estates 
already too large for the owners to cultivate. 

Governor Johnson hotly refuted the charges made against him, and 
another investigation resulted in imprisonment by the House of some of 
St. John's deputies for making surveys in violation of the quit rent act, and 
in his own arrest for insulting remarks about the Commons. After various 
petitions and court hearings all were released save the arch-offender, St. 
John. His complaints reached the Board of Trade which severely criti- 
cised the House and instructed Johnson to do what he could to secure the 
surveyor-general's release. But St. John after being under arrest for three 
months had petitioned the Commons for his freedom and had been granted 
it, with a reprimand and a warning that "this House expects that you'l 
offer to them no such future indignity." He held his office for ten years 

^^PR, XV, 198-202 (Memorial of St. John, received by Board Sept. 6, 1732, 
and enclosures) ; JC, Nov. 18, 19, 1731, Mar. 10, Nov. 9, 1732. 

" JCHA, Jan. 26, 1732; Stats., Ill, 343-347; PR, XV, 163-165 (Observations of 
St. John, to Board, received Sept. 6, 1732), 219-222 (Benjamin Whitaker to 
Johnson, Sept. 21, 1732), 264 (Johnson to Newcastle, Dec. 15, 1732), JC, Nov. 10, 
1732. For the later status of the surveying fees see JCHA, Apr. 7, 1759. 

^* St. John's successor in 1743 repeated this charge; he also declared that 
St. John's fees at the time were a thousand pounds a year (PR, XXI, 174 — George 
Hunter to the Board, Oct. 31, 1743). 



24 The Expansion of South Carolina 

more, but appears to have offered the strong-willed Commons neither in- 

... * * 19 

dignity nor opposition. 

These charges and counter-charges were incidents in a spectacular in- 
crease in the holdings of land and slaves in the South Carolina tidewater. 
By 1738 a million acres had been put on the tax books. From 1729 to 
1732 there were imported 5,153 slaves, and in the next four years 10,447 
more. "Neffroes may be said to be the Bait proper for catching a Carolina 
Planter, as certain as Beef to catch a Shark," noted a native critic on ob- 
serving the ominous figures which marked the undoing of the white settle- 
ment plan almost before it could get under way. Judged by standards of 
eighteenth century economy this expansion of slave and land holdings was 
in part a normal increase in a young and vigorous commonwealth — witness 
Lieutenant-Governor Bull's statement in 1738 that the colony sent an- 
nually to Great Britain products amounting to near £150,000, employing 
over two hundred vessels. It was in part, however, a speculation which 
far overestimated the immediate possibilities of the rice industry.^" 

St. John and Whitaker declared Johnson had by September 1732 issued 
warrants for 600,000 acres of land; on warrants apparently issued before 
that time there were surveyed in 1731 and 1732 about 300,000 acres, a 
fifth of the amount in tracts larger than 2,000 acres."^ The slave importa- 
tion since the acquisition of the province by the crown would have provided 
headrights for four-fifths of the amount of the surveys. If the headrights 
of these slaves and of the considerable number of white immigrants to the 
coast country were used in 1731 and 1732, the land taken up under Pro- 
prietary and other irregular warrants or surveys was no great proportion 
of the total acquired during the 'thirties. Most of the surveys were in 
tracts which made ordinary plantation units, or convenient additions to 
existing plantations. Whatever the method used for distributing this tide- 
water land the result must have been the same for the province as a whole. 
There was scant room in the industry or climate of the tidewater area for 
small farmers. 

Governor Johnson's death in May 1735 brought to a sudden end the 
most popular and most successful of the royal administrations. His was 
the chief part in making and maintaining that peace between crown and 
assembly, between merchant and planter, which restored the government 
to efficiency and, in some measure, the province to prosperity. The town- 

"PR, XV, 267-268 (Johnson to Hutcheson, Dec. 21, 1732), XVII, 185-189 
(from Johnson's letter— pp. 174-193— to Board, Nov. 9, 1734), XVI, 146 (Board to 
Johnson, June 7, 1733), 202-212 (Council Committee to Board, Dec. 6, 1733), XXI, 
153 (William Bull to Newcastle, May 6, 1743); JC, Apr. 28, 1733; JCHA, Feb. 3, 
9, 10, May 9, 10, June 7, 1733. See Bond, Quit Rent System, pp. 322-326, Wallace, 
History of S. C, I, 325-329; Smith, S. C. as a Royal Province, pp. 34-48, for 
different interpretations of this controversy. 

-'^SCG, Apr. 2, 1737, Mar. 9, 1738; PR, XIX, 119 (Bull to Board, May 25, 
1738), XXIV, 314 (Governor James Glen, received by Board Aug. 10, 1751). 

21 PR, XV, 219-222 (above, n. 17) ; see also vols. I and II of Plats. 



The Background of Expansion 25 

ship scheme, a vital part of the process of white settlement that was to 
transform South Carolina, he had originated and started fairly on its way. 
Himself one of the planters, he had, from appreciation of their needs and 
problems or from political necessity, acted as their friend rather than as 
champion of the merchant and the crown. Very well might the assembly, 
representing the grieving province, appropriate a hundred and eleven 
pounds for a tablet to him in St. Philip's Church "as a mark of peculiar 
esteem and gratitude".^^ 

During Johnson's administration there was little to mar relations be- 
tween the executive and the Commons. Early in 1735, however, the settle- 
ment fund faced a deficit, and as the Commons moved to tardy repair of 
the damage it had done in 1731 by diversion of the negro duty to pay off 
the provincial debt, the situation was complicated by the demands of the 
attorney-general and the secretary for their fees on the lands granted to the 
settlers. The House now appropriated the whole negro duty to settlement, 
but considering the fees excessive so worded the act as to restrict their 
payment to the proceeds of other duties; a tax was laid to retire the remain- 
ing bills of 1731. In the course of an intermittent contest of four years 
the executive made good its claim to authority to order payments — includ- 
ing those for officers' fees — out of any part of the settlement fund, while 
the House made the further concession of sending all its orders to the 
executive for concurrence.^^ 

The proportion of the fee charges to the total is indicated by a com- 
mittee report covering the period from May 1745 to January 1750. Dur- 
ing this time 579 new settlers got £1,632 in bounties of tools and provi- 
sions, and £551 in indirect aids — payments for defense, salaries to ministers, 
and the like. The public officers received £778 in fees and commissions, 
the most deserving of them, the deputy surveyors who surveyed the lands, 
getting less than a fifth of the amount."* 

The ten townships founded under Governor Johnson's program be- 
tween 1733 and 1759 went through three stages of development: an initial 
period of rapid settlement under the active encouragement of the provincial 
government, ten years of slow growth during which the government con- 
tinued its policy of liberal aids, and finally a decade of renewed expansion 
as immigrants from Europe and the north came in larger numbers than at 
any time before. 

Throughout the second of these periods the settlement policy of the 
province was undergoing a slow and painful transformation. In March 

^^ Stats., Ill, 448, Year Book, Charleston, 1880, p. 270. 

22 JUHA. Feb. 13, Mar. 26, Apr. 25, 1735, Oct. 8, 1737; JCHA, Feb. 15, Mar. 6, 
1735, Dec. 3, 1736, Jan. 11, Feb. 1, 10, Mar. 4, 1737, Feb. 4, Mar. 6, 11, 23, 1738; JC, 
Aug. 19, 1735, Dec. 14, 1738, Feb. 9, 1739; Stats., Ill, 409^11, 414-423; PR, XIX, 
259 (John Hammerton, received by Board Aug. 19, 1738). 

-*JCHA, Jan. 31, 1750. For the fees see Stats., II, 144-148, III, 343-347, 415- 
421. See also JC, May 14, 1752, JCHA, Apr. 7, 1759, May 8, 9, 1760. 



26 The Expansion of South Carolina 

1737 Lieutenant-Governor Broughton announced in the South Carolina 
Gazette that the settlement fund was insufficient for the demands upon it, 
and that the act creating it would soon expire. He therefore warned 
future comers not to expect the bounty. The chief sin of the provincial 
government against the township program was thus visited upon the 
province. The non-resident grants in Purrysburg and Williamsburg did 
not prevent those townships serving their purpose, but for lack of a thou- 
sand pounds of the money diverted to the sinking of the 1731 orders the 
movement of the poor Protestants from Europe had to be momentarily dis- 
couraged. Immigration from Europe fell off sharply, and though money 
for the bounty again became available, few Germans and no Scotch-Irish 
came until after 1748. There were several reasons for this decline besides 
Broughton's proclamation. A reaction after the high hopes for ventures 
like that of Purry was inevitable. The quarrels of the settlers at Purrys- 
burg and Williamsburg with the colonial government must likewise have 
been bad advertising for the province, while the sickness that Purrysburg 
and New Windsor suffered was warning of the trial which the immigrant 
from a cooler climate to the low country must expect. Finally the renewal 
of hostilities in Europe — England's wars first with Spain and then with 
France — made the sea unsafe for immigrant ships."^ 

The settlement of Georgia intensified the feud between the English and 
Spanish on the southern frontier. In 1738 the governor at St. Augustine 
published the order of the Spanish crown that all slaves coming from the 
English colonies should be freed and protected. Parties of slaves fled from 
South Carolina, one body of twenty-four escaping from Port Royal. They 
were received at St. Augustine and employed for wages. In September 
1739 about fifty negroes rose at Stono, twenty miles below Charleston, 
armed themselves from a store, killed twenty-one whites, and began their 
march southward. Their leisurely progress enabled the militia to overtake 
them and nearly all were killed or executed. There was smallpox and an 
"Epidemical Fever" to plague the province in 1738 and 1739, and a de- 
structive fire in Charleston in 1740.^® 

In October 1739 war between England and Spain was declared which 
in 1744 widened into the War of the Austrian Succession. Already in 
1742 the assembly had petitioned the crown for three companies of troops 
of a hundred men each, which were needed to garrison two forts on the 
coast and two on the frontier. The petition was granted, but the first of 
the troops did not arrive until January 1746 and a later report of a Com- 

2^ PR, XIX, 54 (Sebastian Zouberbuhler to Board, Mar. 14, 1738); see below, 
pp. 36, 67, 81-82; JC, Jan. 26, 1743, Mar. 25, 1745. 

^^CSCHS, IV, 17-18; JUHA, Jan. 18, 1739; JCHA, Jan. 18, 19, 1739; PR, XX, 
179-183, 192 (Bull to Board, Oct. 5, Nov. 20, 1739), 326-330 (Petition of South 
Carolina council and House to king, Nov. 21, 1740). Two other slave plots were 
discovered shortly afterwards (PR, XX, 300-301 — Representation, enclosed with 
letter of Bull July 28, 1740). 



The Background of Expansion 



27 



mons committee declared that most of them were raised in the province 
and therefore made "no augmentation of men or strength". The rice in- 
dustry, depressed by the low price which had resulted from overproduction, 
was burdened anew by high freights and insurance.^^ The climax of this 
series of misfortunes, however, was the Stono insurrection. The report 
of a committee of the Commons House in 1741 expressed the feeling of 
the planters who had so energetically conferred on the savage Africans 
and themselves the dubious blessings of American negro slavery: "With 
Regret we bewailed our peculiar case that we could not Enjoy the Benefits 
of peace like the Rest of mankind, and that our Industry Should be the 
means of taking from us all the Sweets of life and of Rendering us Liable 
to the Loss of our Lives and Fortunes." ^^ 

The regular session of the assembly began soon after the insurrection 
and with it an eager effort to abate the negro problem. The danger was 
too pressing to allow dependence on the now small bounty immigration 
alone; furthermore most of the townships were at a considerable distance 
from the districts of heaviest slave population. The committee on methods 
of defense therefore felt it necessary to resort to the unpopular plan of 
forcing the planters to employ white servants on their plantations; for "by 
the late unhappy accident at Stono it appears to be absolutely necessary to 
get a Sufficient number of white Persons into this Province". Its pro- 
posed bill to increase the number of white men required on plantations by 
the law of 1726 was rejected by the council,^ but the two houses were a 
unit on the restriction of slave importation. The general duty law of 1731 
was now, in April 1740, reenacted with few changes save in the rate on 
slaves which was set at a little more than fourteen pounds for those four 
feet two inches or more in height. This duty which was to go into effect in 
fifteen months and to last three years was so high that it constituted a 
prohibition. Before and after the three year period the duty was to be one 

2^ PR, XX, 577-579 (Petition of assembly to crown, June 3, 1742), 598-611 
(Representation of lieutenant-governor and council, Sept. 3, 1742) ; JCHA, June 2, 
1742, Jan. 23, 1746, Feb. 10, 11, 1747. On the suggestion of the crown, when these 
companies were discharged in the summer of 1749, the governor and council offered 
the men land with fees paid from the township fund, and for those who had en- 
listed outside the province half the regular bounty (JC, June 16, July 4, Aug. 2, 
1749). A score of South Carolinians and about thirty outsiders took advantage of 
this offer, two-thirds of the warrants being for land in the middle country. The 
export of rice in 1740 was about 90,000 barrels, and the average 1740-1745 about 
100,000 (Carroll, Collections, I, 343, PR, XXI, 403— below, n. 33); see also 
SCG, Oct. 8, 1744 (letter of Agricola), PR, XXII, 115-123 (Furye and John Fen- 
wicke to Board, Nov. 21, 1745), 273-275 (Glen to Board, Apr. 28, 1747). 

^* CSCHS, II, 19. Compare Lieutenant-Governor Broughton's statement in 
1737: "our Negroes are very numerous and more dreadful to our Safety, than any 
Spanish Invaders" (PR, XVIII, 172-173— to Newcastle, Feb. 6, 1737). 

2^ JCHA, Nov. 10, 1739. Henrv McCulloh, the speculator in North Carolina 
lands {Col. Recs. of N. C, V, 779-780, VII, 13-14), declared that its failure was 
due to the landholdings of the council (PR, XX, 424-425 — enclosure by McCulloh 
with letter to Board, Nov. 12, 1741; Bond, Quit Rent System, pp. 396-397). 



^vl^ 



28 The Expansion of South Carolina 

tenth of that amount.^" This act, evidently in view of the small immigra- 
tion, gave only two-thirds of the negro duty to township settlement, but 
made generous allowances — transportation from Charleston, tools, pro- 
visions for a year, and a cow and a calf for each five settlers. The act was 
continued in 1746 for five years more, but until the end of the war in 1748 
there was no great income of either money or settlers.^'^ 

The weakness of the tidewater plantations caused the Commons for 
several years to seek some means of strengthening them. An act of 1742 
offered exemption from jury duty and all provincial taxes exceeding twenty- 
nine shillings to all free white Protestant men residing in towns or villages 
situated at the passes or ferries over rivers. The measure was continued in 
1752 for six years, but then lapsed with no perceptible results. In 1743 a 
House committee renewed the proposal to increase the required number of 
servants on plantations, and recommended that training of negroes for 
trades in which white men were usually employed be forbidden. Nothing 
came of this nor of a more elaborate plan the next year for the purchase of 
twenty-acre tracts between the Santee and Savannah not more than thirty 
miles from the sea nor twenty from a parish church. On these tracts a 
hundred white families a year should be settled, with much smaller bounties 
than those allowed to township settlers, and forbidden to sell their lands. 
The probable expense alone — about fourteen hundred pounds a year which 
would have to be met in part by direct taxes — made this scheme im- 
practicable.^" 

The bounties on agricultural products offered during this decade were 

^° Stats., Ill, 556-568; half and one-fourth the full duties were charged on the 
smaller negroes — see PR, XXIII, 369-370 (from Glen's Answers, enclosed with his 
letter to Board, July 19, 1749). The act of 1731 {Stats., Ill, 340-341) by its own 
wording should have expired automatically June 7, 1739; no continuing act has been 
found. The bounty act expired in August 1738 (see p. 26, above) ; it was evidently 
continued, however {Stats., Ill, 562) ; the duties on slaves and other imports were 
collected without any break (Treasurer's Ledgers, MS, 1735-1748). 

^^ Stats., Ill, 670. This encouragement as administered by the governor and 
council in 1743 came to the following: for immigrants over 12 years of age, 300 
lbs. of beef, 50 of pork, 200 of rice, 8 bushels of corn, 1 bushel of salt; to all under 
12, half these quantities; to each man an axe, broad hoe, and narrow hoe; to 
every five persons, 1 cow and calf, 1 sow; to each servant, at the end of his term, 
the same bounty (JC, Apr. 2, 1743). The assembly was no longer bound by any 
instruction in its disposition of income from duties, as the crown considered that 
the condition imposed when the sinking fund of 1724 was suspended had been 
satisfied by the legislation of 1731 and 1735 (PR, XIX, 224 — Board to crown, 
July 13, 1738). 

^^ Stats., Ill, 591, 775; Letter ... to a Member of Assembly, SCG, Mar. 28, 
1743; JCHA, Mar. 23, 30, Apr. 1, 1743, Jan. 25, Mar. 1, 6, 1744. Compare the 
restrictions imposed on the Georgia settlers — above, p. 20. An act to allow holders 
of uncultivated lands to surrender them, and thus to be relieved of quit rents — an 
aftermath of the failure of the speculation of the 'thirties — was vetoed by the 
crown. The total amount of land on the provincial treasurer's books, however, 
declined from 2,349,129 acres in 1742 to 2,057,457 in 1748. See Stats., Ill, 636, PR, 
XXI, 346-347 (Benjamin Whitaker, Observations, enclosed with his letter to 
Board, June 25, 1744), XXIV, 314 (Glen to Board, received Aug. 10, 1751), 
Bond, Quit Rent System, pp. 334-341. 






The Background of Expansion 29 

to aid the recovery of the depressed plantation system as well as to en- 
courage small farmers. In 1741 the assembly renewed the bounty on hemp 
and silk given in 1736. Three years later it increased both, and added 
bounties on wine, flax, indigo, cotton, and flour sold in Charleston made 
from wheat raised in the province. "A pretty large quantity of Indigo" 
was made in this year, and the production rose so rapidly that the assembly 
in 1746 hastily repealed the bounty on the new staple.^^ 

The return of peace in 1748 brought better times for the province, and , / 
with it more slaves and a renewal of the bounty immigration. The speedy 
exhaustion of the township fund brought about a careful reconsideration 
of settlement policy. Again the House played with the idea of land pur- > 
chase and settlement in the parishes, and for the first time showed op- -_ 
position to Germans as settlers by ordering the agent of the province in 
England to do his utmost to prevent the immigration of more than a thou- \ 
sand foreign Protestants a year. The act of 1751 appropriated three- 
fifths of the negro duties to settling foreign Protestants, or Protestants 
from the British dominions who should present certificates of good char- 
acter from ministers or corporations. For five years the bounty was to be 
paid only to those settling between the Santee and the Savannah, within 
forty miles of the coast. For the first three of the five years four pounds 
ten shillings should be paid to all from thirteen to forty-nine years of age, 
and half that amount to those from three to twelve. For the next two 
years of the term these amounts were to be reduced by a third, and at the 
end of that time two-thirds of the remainder should be paid to those set- 
tling anywhere in the province. The act was to run for ten years. A re- 
newed contest between House and council over the fees, which the 
Commons thought excessive, resulted in assignment by the act of a fifth of 
the negro duties to that purpose.^* 

In October 1752 the prospect of the arrival of fifteen hundred Ger- ~^ 
mans caused a hasty revision of the law. The governor asked the Com- 
mons to omit the restriction of settlers to the limits stated, on the ground 
that there was not enough land for them. This was promptly done, but, 
evidently appalled by the number of aliens coming into the province, the 
House took steps to divert the entire three-fifths of the duties, after the 
incoming horde should have been settled, to settlers from Great Britain and 
Ireland. However, on the protest of the council against this frank attempt 

^^ Stats., Ill, 587, 613-616, 671; PR, XXI, 403^04, XXII, 100 (Governor James 
Glen to Board, Sept. 22, 1744, May 28, 1745). 

2*JCHA, Nov. 23, 1749, Jan. 30, 31, Feb. 7, Mar. 16, 17, 1750, June 6, 7, 12, 14, 
1751; Stats., Ill, 739-751. The remaining fifth of the duty was appropriated as a 
bounty for ship building. It was later diverted to other uses (Stats., IV, 10-12). 
No attempt was made by the governor and council to draw fees from the three- 
fifths appropriated for the settlers (JC, Apr. 4, 1757, May 30, 1758). See letter of 
"D.C." (SCG, Dec. 4, 1749) reporting discussion of settlement measures by a 
Charleston club, and SCG, Nov. 7, 1754 (letter to Timothy) for evidence of interest 
in settlement measures. 



<, 



30 The Expansion of South Carolina 

to draw population from the mother country, the Commons adopted a 
less drastic change. The act of October 1752 prescribed no place of set- 
tlement; the bounty was to be paid in tools and provisions, and a reduction 
of one-sixth was offset by provision for a cow and calf for each five persons. 
This rate was to continue only four months, and thereafter half the amount 
was to be paid.^*^ 

The settlement fund for its first five years amounted to about £3,500. 
From that time to 1741, when the importation of slaves became negligible, 
the receipts from negro duties totalled about £17,000. Only about £2,200 
was received by the township fund during the next decade, but between 
1752 and 1759 nearly £18,000 was realized from the four-fifths of the 
negro duty, and by the end of 1765 £18,500 more, a total of £60,000.'*^ 
The aid to settlement thus given had no counterpart in any other English 
continental colony. 

In the tangled history of these years of encouragement to settlers, 
with the ups and downs that came from indifference, selfishness and short- 
sightedness of officials and representatives, one discerns that neither war 
nor pestilence, prosperity nor hard times, long blinded the provincial 
leaders to the fact that the essential problem of South Carolina was the 
negro problem, and that the only available remedy was white settlement. 

35 Below, p. 151; JCHA, Sept. 27, 28, Oct. 5, 1752; JUHA, Oct. 5, 1752; Stats.. 
Ill, 781-782; PR, XXV, 107-108 (Glen to Board, Dec. 16, 1752). 

36 Treasury Ledger B, 1735-1773; JCHA, May 23, 1747, May 10, 1748, Jan. 
31, 1750, June 4, 1760, June 16, 1761; below pp. 243-244. The exemptions from 
quit rents and provincial taxes, generally for ten years, in effect increased the 
township fund by several thousand pounds — see Stats., Ill, 439, 473, 527-528, IV, 
54, 129, 190; JCHA, Nov. 23, 1750. 



THE SETTLEMENT OF THE MIDDLE 
COUNTRY— THE WESTERN TOWNSHIPS 




6<x 






sex 



if* 

If 



VS'^^' 



tK^^ 



-li 




^-^&S'-'- 



Aii^ttsta 




Ebe 



nac^ 



Txexdi 



Gck yi 






3u.r 



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Map 2. 

The Western Townships 



The Settlement of the Middle Country — the 
Western Townships 

The townships marked off under Governor Johnson's scheme roughly 
embraced the middle country, the wide region that stretched from the tide- 
water to the fall line. It was the portion of the colony least desired by 
eighteenth century settlers, having neither the advantages of position 
enjoyed by the tidewater, nor the more healthful climate of the piedmont. 
Into this region colonial policy now directed the newcomers whom it 
coaxed from Europe, and thereby established settlements which in turn 
offered attractions to settlers from the coast and from the more northern 
colonies. As these small and uncertain streams of population converged at 
one point or another in the middle country, communities were founded 
which partook in their nature of the characteristics of the others spread 
along the southern pineland, but because of varying racial mixtures, and 
circumstances of settlement or early development, each was stamped with 
some difference from its neighbors which two centuries have not obliterated. 

In November 1732 a party of Switzers landed in Charleston, and at 
nearly the same time there arrived a number of Scots from northern Ire- 
land. As soon as practicable both were sent to their appointed task of 
guarding the tidewater and settling the coastal plain behind it. The Switz- 
ers were sent to the frontier southwest of the Santee, doubtless because it 
was thought that they, as aliens to the tongue of their neighbors, would 
cling to each other and make a more compact settlement. The Scots were 
sent, perhaps by their own choice, to the thinly settled but less exposed 
district north of the Santee. The provincial government continued to 
direct the foreigners to the west and northwest, while the north side of the 
Santee attracted other Scots for fifteen years, and proved most convenient 
for British settlers who came from the northern colonies. Thus there was 
brought about from the beginning a distinct difference in blood of the 
eastern and western portions of the middle country. 



CHAPTER III 

PURRYSBURG 

In 1724 the Proprietors, with the approval of the crown, had agreed 
with Jean Pierre Purry of Neufchatel, Switzerland, to transport six hun- 
dred persons to South Carolina and to grant him twenty-four thousand 
acres of land. The Proprietors were unable to do their part, and the 
project collapsed, although twenty-four Swiss were said to have gone to the 
province. In 1730 Purry applied to the crown and offered to procure six 
hundred Switzers within six years for settlement in South Carolina; in 
return he asked twelve thousand acres for himself free of quit rents. He 
evidently expected to make his expenses and profit by sale of this land. 
Governor Johnson and the Board of Trade recommended that his petition 
be granted on condition that the Swiss settle in a township. The crown, 
however, ordered that he have forty-eight thousand acres on completion of 
his enterprise, with a quit rent exemption of only ten years.^ 

Without waiting for final confirmation by the crown, Purry proceeded 
to South Carolina. In Charleston he laid before the assembly the plans 
he had made for his settlers, who were to raise hemp, silk, indigo, cotton 
and wines. The assembly agreed that when he imported one hundred able- 
bodied men he should receive four hundred pounds from the township 
fund. His settlers up to the number of three hundred should be fed for a 
year, each person over twelve years of age receiving eight bushels of Indian 
corn or pease, three hundred pounds of beef, fifty pounds of pork, two hun- 
dred pounds of rice, and a bushel of salt. For those under twelve half 
these amounts were allowed. Each man was to have an axe, a broad hoe 
and a narrow hoe, and for each five persons there would be furnished a cow 
and a calf and a sow. Purry selected as the site of his town "the great 
Yamasee Blufif", about eight miles below the Pallachuccola garrison ; this 
met the desire of Governor Johnson for a post which would guard the 
lower Savannah River pass. From his findings and his own lively imagina- 
tion he then constructed a pamphlet which was a glowing description of 
the riches and possibilities of Carolina with no hint of the hardships which 
beset the road to wealth." 

^PR, XII, 190-192 (above, p. 18, n. 5), XIV, 3-5, 25 (Board of Trade Journal, 
Mar. 13, 25, Oct. 15, 1730), 77-78 (Purry to Board, Mar. 24, 1730), 237 (Johnson 
to Board, July 20, 1730), 243-245, XV, 113-121, 123-126 (Board to crown, July 23, 
1730, to Council Committee, May 26, June 26, 1732). 

2 JCHA, Mar. 5, 17, 1731; PR, XIV, 237-238 (see n. 1 above), XVI, 350 (Purry, 
received by Board July 16, 1734) ; Carroll, Collections, II, 121-140. See A. B. 
Faust and G. M. Brumbaugh, Lists of Siviss Emigrants to the American Colonies 

34 



The Western Townships 35 

In November 1732 sixty-one Switzers arrived, the advance guard of 
Purry's group. They w^ere put in charge of James Richard of Geneva, one 
of the associates of Purry w^ho had accompanied him to South Carolina the 
year before. Richard was made justice of the peace and major of the 
militia. Orders were issued to deliver him six small cannon, twenty 
muskets, three hundred pounds of powder, three hundred pounds of bullets 
and three hundred pounds of swan shot. The settlers were also furnished 
with six crosscut saws, six whipsaws, twelve handsaws, hammers, nails, 
spades and two iron corn mills. Actual settlement of the town may have 
awaited the arrival of Purry himself six weeks later. He brought with him 
ninety-one Swiss and shortly afterwards proceeded with a party of eighty- 
seven to the Pallachuccolas. The trip was made in three pettyaugers, or 
periaguas, as the long narrow boats were called that plied the inland passage 
to the Savannah. By the end of the year 1733 there were two hundred and 
seventy, perhaps three hundred people in Purrysburg. Purry returned to 
Europe and in November 1734 arrived with two hundred and eighty more. 
By this time he had received half of his four hundred pounds.^ 

During 1735 four hundred and fifty Swiss were reported as arriving 
at Purrysburg or shortly expected there, the passage of apparently all being 
paid by the crown. It is quite probable that there was duplication in these 
statements, or that some settlers went to other South Carolina townships 
or even to Georgia. In March of that year, however, the assembly was 
satisfied that the border was sufficiently defended and abolished the 
Pallachuccola garrison.* 

Surveys in the township for the Purrysburgers began soon after their 
arrival, but their grants were not made out until 1735. By 1739 thirty- 
five thousand acres was granted, and in the next six years this was increased 
by a seventh of that amount.^ By the land regulations this represented 
about eight hundred persons settled in the township. Grants were based, 
however, on the warrants which were made out soon after the arrival of the 
settlers, and were not affected by the death or removal of persons in the 
grantee's family. The number in the township at any one time must have 
been far short of eight hundred. Two-thirds of the land thus granted was 
to persons of French name, and about one-fourth of it to Germans. The 
remainder was taken up by Englishmen, who probably qualified for the 
grants by settling in the township. Among the foreigners were forty 

in the Eighteenth Century (vol. II, Washington, 1925), pp. 17-26, and "Documents 
in Swiss Archives relating to Emigration . . ." {American Historical Revieiv, 
October, 1916). 

3JC, Nov. 9, 1732; H. A. M. Smith, "Purrysburgh", in SCHGM, X, 193 (this 
article, covering pp. 187-219, is cited below as Smith, "Purrysburgh") ; SCG, 
Dec. 30, 1732; JCHA, Dec. 15, 1732, Dec. 6, 1733; PR, XVII, 191-192 (above, p. 
24, n. 19), 227 (Furye to Board, Dec. 3, 1734). 

*JUHA, Apr. 17, 1735, SCG, Nov. 22, 1735, TCHA, Mar. 21, 1735. 

'P, III, 307, 330, Smith, "Purrysburgh", pp. 211-217 (eleven of the names listed 
pp. 217-218 are clearly different renderings of names on the preceding list). 



36 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Protestants from Piedmont, twentj^-five from the Archbishopric of Salz- 
burg, and a few individuals from other places.*' With these exceptions the 
Purrysburgers are all spoken of as Swiss. 

The twenty thousand acres of the township were laid out before the end 
of 1733, but by the negligence of the governor and council the six-mile 
reservation was not surveyed until 1735. It was found then that the delay 
had enabled outsiders, among them Governor Johnson himself, to take up 
over thirty thousand of the one hundred and nine thousand acres. In 
compensation for these encroachments the council ordered double the 
quantity so taken to be reserved north of the township. Purry himself 
during the years 1732 to 1736 received grants of nearly twenty thousand 
of his forty-eight thousand acres, all within the reserved land of the town- 
ship. He died shortly afterwards, and though the governor and council 
approved the petition of his son Charles for the rest of the land, he does 
not appear to have taken it up.^ 

When the mountain-bred Switzers first saw their new home the face of 
the land, even more than the cannon entrusted to them, must have shown 
them that it was selected for the military needs of South Carolina and not 
for their own comfort. The settlement itself was on a bluff, but the town- 
ship was made up of the mixture of good land, pine barren and swamp char- 
acteristic of the lower pine belt. Any other site for a large settlement on a 
river near the tidewater must have had the same disadvantages. The 
province was paying three thousand pounds for the defense of the Palla- 
chuccola pass, and the fever, heat and loss of life which the settlement 
suffered was the price it paid for that extraordinary bounty. Nevertheless 
the government imposed a needless hardship upon the first settlers by 
forcing them to cast lots for their lands, and by allowing encroachments 
upon the township. In 1751 twenty-five of the inhabitants declared that 
their lots had fallen on worthless land which they had been obliged to 
forsake. The town itself was the first to suffer, as most of the settlers 
adapted themselves to the needs of the region and dispersed through the 
township, or, in complete dissatisfaction, went to other places. Neverthe- 
less, the position on the Savannah favored trade ; the Switzers were a 
foreign element and tended to stay together, and they evinced real determi- 
nation to build up a settlement of traders and artisans.^ 

The most interesting of their attempts was to carry out one of Purry's 

'^ Ibid. p. 201, SCG, July 21, 1733. Persecution by the Archbishop of Salzburg 
caused many of his Protestant subjects to migrate {SCG, Mar. 11, Apr. 22, 1732). 
They founded Ebenezer in Georgia opposite Purrysburg (Jones, History of Ga., I, 
167-169). For individuals, note Holzendorf and de Beaufain (below, pp. 38, 39). 
John Linder was from Berlin (G. P. Voigt, German and German-Siviss Element in 
South Carolina, /7J2-7752— Columbia 1922— p. 22). 

^ Smith, "Purrysburgh", pp. 205, 218-219; JC, May 11, 1739; PR, XVII, 185- 
189 (above, p. 24, n. 19), XIX, 173-175 (Petition of Charles Purry, May 18, 1738). 

«PR, XVII, 227 (see n. 3 above); Carroll, Collections, I, 296, Col. Recs. of 
N. C, IV, 159-162; JC, Apr. 19, May 14, 1751; Voigt, German Element, p. 23; see 
also PR, XIX, 174-175 (above, n. 7). 



The Western Townships 37 

first proposals — the establishment of the silk industry. John Lewis Poyas 
was a native of Piedmont and arrived in Purrysburg in 1734. He and his 
wife, so he stated later, understood "perfectly the manufacture of Silk in 
all its Process from the very planting of the White Mulberry to the 
spinning of the Superfine Organzine Raw Silk after the manner used in 
Turin and Italy." "The Gentlemen who had first engaged him to teach the 
Silken manufacture in that Colony" must have been the Purrysburg 
leaders. In 1733 the Georgia Trustees offered to buy both South Carolina 
and Georgia silk cocoons, and in 1736 the South Carolina assembly like- 
wise gave a bounty. The next year Poyas appeared before the lieutenant- 
governor and council with "Several Samples of Silk by him made". He 
declared that he had no aid nor support from his "Gentlemen", and pro- 
posed that the provincial government employ him. The Commons House 
voted him a gratuity of fourteen pounds and agreed to pay him a hundred 
pounds a year for three years to manage a plantation with six slaves, while 
training ten apprentices a year.^ But four years later the House declared 
Poyas responsible for the lack of results, discharged him and retired from 
the silk business. In 1744 a larger bounty was offered, but it lapsed in 
1749.^° 

Meanwhile the Georgia government continued to buy cocoons, and 
in 1751 set up a filature in Savannah for winding silk. Most of this came 
from the German settlement of Ebenezer, Georgia, but Purrysburg silk 
balls were bought likewise, and in 1766 the township furnished 6,000 
pounds of cocoons, making about 300 pounds of raw silk, nearly a third of 
the total. At that time it was reported that "almost every family in Pur- 
rysburg parish" had quantities of silk worms. After this the industry in 
Georgia declined and was abandoned. Governor Wright explaining that 
the labor could be far more profitably emplojxd elsewhere, even though 
the cocoons were bought for more than the market price. With the help of 
the bounty offered by Parliament, however, the Purrysburgers persevered, 
and in 1772 exported through Charleston 455 pounds of "exceeding fine 
Raw Silk". Probably all the 592 pounds exported the preceding year 
came from that township." 

® Georgia Trustees, SCG, May 19, 1733; Stats., Ill, 436-437; JC, July 13, 1737; 
JCHA, Oct. 6, 8, Dec. 9, 1737, Jan. 19, 24, Feb. 3, 1738. In December 1737 Hercules 
Coyte, acting as a surveyor of hemp, flax, and silk under the act of 1736, certi- 
fied fourteen pounds "of good Silk well drawn & fit for any Market" made 
by Peter Paget of St. Thomas' Parish, near Charleston (JCHA, Dec. 15, 1737). 
Dec. 11, 1736 Coyte advertised mulberry trees for sale in any number up to two 
hundred thousand (SCG). 

1*^ JCHA, Mar. 1, 1739, Mar. 29, 1740, Jan. 30, Feb. 24, 1741; Stats., Ill, 613-616. 
See also JCHA, Dec. 17, 1743, Jan. 27, 1744. Apr. 10, 1742 [SCO) Poyas offered 
to buy silk balls. In 1739 the commissioners under whom Poyas worked advertised 
for ten apprentices, offering to take children from the townships at the expense of 
the public {SCG, Feb. 22, 1739). 

1^ Jones, History of Ga., I, 373, 433, II, 75-78; SCG, July 7, 1766, Mar. 14, 
1771; South Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (cited as SCGCJ), Jan. 14, 
1772. 



38 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Despite the competition of the more favorably situated towns of Sa- 
vannah and Beaufort there are references to four stores in Purrysburg be- 
tween 1735 and 1752; certainly not all — perhaps no two of them — were 
operated at the same time." Charles Purry and Samuel Montaigut main- 
tained their store until 1739, when Purry transferred his business to 
Beaufort; he was murdered there in 1754 by his own slaves. A tanyard 
and bark mill and a shoemaker appear in the Purrysburg advertisements, 
and in 1741 David Kinder, Henry Bourquin and Jacob Truan from 
Purrysburg gave notice in the Gazette that they would undertake any sort 
of carpenter's or joiner's work "on very reasonable Terms, that is to say, 
their Employers shall have one Half of their Work done for Nothing"." 

From the beginning, however, agriculture was the chief pursuit of the 
Purrysburgers and it finally became their sole interest. A flood from the 
river in 1741 caused a partial listing of products: "the pumpkins, beans, 
turnips, rice, etc., are ruined by the high water. . . ; and because the bears 
have beaten down much grain, it will be ruined in the water." The next 
year a tract of three hundred and fifty acres in the township was advertised, 
which was made up of good corn and rice land, with cattle, one slave, and 
a dwelling house. Gradually the settlement changed from a frontier town 
of white laborers, free and indented, to a South Carolina parish dominated 
by slave labor. Plats surveyed for settlers in the first ten years were small, 
averaging about one hundred and fifty acres each, but a beginning of the 
plantation system was provided in several large grants. Daniel Vernezo- 
bre, a London merchant, received two thousand acres and sent negroes as 
well as white people to the township. The absence of other references to 
negroes in the first few years indicates that as a rule the larger grants — 
though these were modest enough — were based on indentures, and that 
their owners were "the so-called lords" of the Swiss servants. Samuel 
Montaigut received grants amounting to eighteen hundred acres, James 
Richard seven hundred, Doctor Brabant five hundred, and John Fred- 
erick Holzendorf four hundred and fifty .^* All these were before 1740, as 
were those of nineteen hundred and fifty acres to Hector Berenger de 
Beaufain, who became one of the most honored and best loved men of the 
province. He was born in Orange, France, and came to South Carolina 

^2JC, Mar. 19, 1735; Court Records, Charleston, Common Pleas, MS, Feb. 1746 
(Samuel Montaigut & Charles Purry, merchants, 1739) ; ibid., August (John 
Linder of Purrysburg, storekeeper, 1745) ; SCG, Aug. 18, 1739 (advt. of Montaigut 
& Purry) ; JC, Apr. 6, 1752 (Isaac Brabant "Marchand in Purisburgh"). 

^^SCG, Aug. 15, 1754, J.C, Aug. 1, 1754; SCG, Sept. 8, 1739, June 11, 1741, 
June 15, 1747 (advts. of Peter DuPra, David Kinder, Paschal Nelson). Note the 

letter outlining a new currency system signed "C P ." Purrysburg 

{SCG, May 3, 1739). 

"Smith, "Purrysburgh", pp. 211-217, SCG, Oct. 18, 1742 (advt. John Rodolph 
Grant) ; PR, XVII, 270 (Board of Trade Journal, Aug. 8, 1735), JCHA, June 26, 
1736; Voigt, German Element, p. 29 (see also Col. Recs. of Ga., XXIII, 190-191, 
on the "two Sorts of People" at Purrysburg). 



The Western Townships 39 

from London in 1733. For several years he was a magistrate in Purrys- 
burg, but later moved to Charleston; in 1742 he was appointed Collector 
of the Customs for South Carolina, and in 1747 became a member of the 
provincial council/^ 

In 1742 Peter Delmestre had four slaves as well as four white servants, 
but a decade elapsed before other negroes appear in the land records. In 
1752 Henry de Saussure, whose first grant in 1738 was for only three 
hundred acres, declared that he had a wife, seven children, two white 
servants, and fourteen negroes. Within three years seven other inhabitants 
of the township received warrants which included the headrights of twenty- 
five slaves. The two thousand acres of Henry Bourquin in 1757 and 
similar surveys for half a dozen others in the next four years were probably 
based on slaves. These owners are all listed among the early Purrysburg 
immigrants.^* 

The white population of the township probably remained nearly sta- 
tionary for a generation after the settlement period. In 1743 a petition 
stated that there were seventy men in its militia company; in 1757 there 
were sixty-four, showing that there were about three hundred and fifty 
settlers.^^ Three-fourths of the land taken up between 1750 and 1765 was 
granted to persons of the same names or surnames as those of the early im- 
migrants. 

The migration to Purrysburg brought with it several professional men 
of note. Three doctors came during the period of settlement, although one 
of them, John Frederick Holzendorf, did not practice in Purrysburg. He 
was a Brandenburger and brought with him a letter of introduction from 
the Duke of Newcastle. By 1737 he had moved to Charleston.^^ Francis 
Pelot was engaged by a neighboring planter as a tutor, married into the 
family, and eventually became the Baptist minister of the Euhaw church, 
between Purrysburg and Beaufort. At the time of settlement of the town- 
ship two German schoolmasters are mentioned. One of them, a weaver, 
opened a school in 1735, but soon had to abandon both his trades. In 1748 
the parsonage, being unfit for a dwelling, was used for a school, and for 
several years about 1740 some of the Germans had children at school in 
Ebenezer. David Zubly was one of the early planters of Purrysburg but 
developed religious scruples regarding slavery. At his death in 1757 his 
German books, including two that were silver-cased and edged, but exclud- 
ing two that were lent out, were worth four pounds, and were of equal 

" Year Book, Charleston, 1880, p. 270; JUHA, Feb. 14, 1735; JC, June 1, 1738, 
Smith, "Purrysburgh", p. 212. 

^^ JC, Sept. 17, 1742, Feb. 4, Apr. 6, 7, Nov. 7, 1752, Jan. 7, June 6, 1755; Smith, 
"Purrysburgh"; P, VI, 342, 343, VII, 114, 127, 131, 142, 149, 243. 

^MUHA, Mar. 2, 1743 (see also JCHA, Jan. 30, 1740), JC, May 4, 1757. 

IS PR, XVI, 123, 172 (Newcastle to Johnson, and reply May 22, Sept. 17, 1733) ; 
JC, July 7, 1752; Voigt, German Element, pp. 30-31. 



Q 



\ 



40 The Expansion of South Carolina 

value with his still pot ; the two items were the most valuable in his in- 
ventory/^ 

Both the Lutheran and German Reformed faiths were represented 
among the German settlers and the former were occasionally visited by the 
Ebenezer pastors. The French, however, like the Huguenots of the pre- 
vious generation, easily made the transition to the Anglican Church. 
^^- Joseph Bugnion, one of the early arrivals in the township, was ordained in 
London on his way over, as was his successor, Henry Francis Chisselle, who 
served the community from 1734 to his death in 1758. Chisselle drew an 
allowance from the Society for Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 
and the assembly voted him seventy-one pounds a year from the township 
fund. He held services for the French and German Switzers on alternate 
Sundays, preaching to the former but for the latter merely reading a Ger- 
man translation of the English prayerbook. In 1737 the meetings were in 
his house, but in 1744 "a large and decent edifice" was finished by private 
subscriptions and by a contribution of forty-six pounds from the township 
fund.^*' 

In 1735 Purry petitioned the assembly to make the township a parish, 

/ in accordance with the instructions of the crown ; the inhabitants presented 

I a similar petition in 1737. But no impression was made until 1746 when a 

\^ petition was presented urging in strongest terms the need of "Parochial 

\ Government and Discipline". The Ebenezer pastors were violent in their 

— \ denunciation of the settlers; "it indeed appears that by and by a wild, 

dissolute Indian life will be found among most of them." Doubtless the 

settlement had dropped into easy-going ways, though it does not appear 

that it deserved words as hard as these. By an act of 1747 the parish of 

St. Peter was formed, including the township and the district north of it to 

Kings Creek, forty miles from the town. It was given one member in the 

Commons House.^^ 

By means of the established church and the plantation system the Swiss 
had become closely identified with tidewater South Carolina. Neverthe- 
less, a protest which they made in 1759 against a road petition of some 
planters to the south of them shows that the barrier of language continued 
to exist, and that the old land grievance was not forgotten. The petition, 
\ they declared, if granted "would make your Petitioners fall again a 

i^Leah Townsend, South Carolina Baptists, 1670-1805 (Florence, 1935), p. 41, 
note; JUHA, Apr. 30, 1748, Voigt, German Element, pp. 26-28, Inventories, Charles- 
ton, MS, 1756-1758, pp. 117, 118. The scholarly minister John Joachim Zubly was 
David Zubly's son (George Howe, History of the Presbyterian Church in South 
Carolina — 2 vols., Columbia, 1870, 1883 — pp. 266-267, Voigt, German Element, 
p. 49). 

^'^ Ibid., pp. 22-25, Frederick Dalcho, Historical Account of the Protestant 
Episcopal Church in South Carolina (Charleston, 1820), pp. 385-386; JCHA, 
Feb. 22, Mar. 6, Sept. 21, 1733, Nov. 15, 1734, Dec. 4, 1736, Apr. 19, 1744; JUHA, 
Mar. 2, 1733, May 30, 1735; JC, Apr. 21, 1744. 

21 JUHA, Apr. 24, 1735; JCHA, Feb. 5, 1737, Nov. 27, Dec. 11, 1746; Voigt, 
German Element, pp. 25, 27, Stats., HI, 668-669. 



\ 



The JVestern Townships 41 

Sacrifice to the most sordid, most glaring and most palpable Self-interest to 
which for want of public Spirited Men amongst them that understood 
thoroughly the Laws and Language of the Country . . . they have ever 
been an easy Prey." The law for the proposed road was delayed four years, 
and in the final act the Purrysburgers partly won their point.^^ 

The permanent material results of Purry's settlement of foreign 
Protestants were modest enough, but in so small and exposed a province 
they were not to be despised. The failure of the town — due rather to the 
later and more heavily subsidized settlement of Savannah than to any ill- 
planning or mismanagement — was of minor significance. The southwest, 
the weakest point in the province in 1729, under the protection of Purrys- 
burg and of Georgia, grew into a region of large and rich plantations."^ 
Yet more important were the intangible achievements of these Switzers, 
who, thanks to their own good qualities and the training and culture of 
their leaders, were readily assimilated and in spite of the barrier of language 
made a significant contribution to the intellectual life of province and state. 

22JCHA, Jan. 17, 1759, Stats., IX 202-204. 

~^ Two other parishes were established between the Combahee and the 
Savannah: Prince William's in 1745, and St. Luke's in 1767 {Stats., Ill, 658-660, 
IV, 266-268). 



CHAPTER IV 
Amelia and Orangeburg 

With the southwest protected by Purrj^sburg the administration turned 
its attention to the exposed region between the Edisto and the Santee. 
Here the settlements reached farthest inland and the townships in this 
quarter were placed in the upper pine belt; better soil and better drainage 
gave the settlers an advantage over the Purr3'sburgers, and the distance 
from the coast largely relieved them of the inroads of the planters. Amelia 
Township was laid out on the west bank of the Congaree-Santee, with a 
town site at the mouth of the former stream, and was traversed its entire 
length by the Cherokee path. In the northeastern part of the township the 
land fell away sharply to the narrow Congaree bottom, but along the 
Santee the slope was more gradual, and the lowland and river swamp 
wider. A small creek rose in the center of the area and ran southeast be- 
tween low hills covered with oak and pine, but when it reached the lowland 
and neared the river it became lost in a morass of mud and water called 
Halfway Swamp. On the headwaters of this stream and on Buckhead 
Creek and its branches was to be found the best land, a sandy loam with a 
good clay subsoil.'^ 

A few men applied for lots in Amelia "town", and had their lands 
surveyed nearby, but do not seem to have settled themselves there.^ The 
administration took little interest in the township, doubtless because there 
were already a number of settlers on the Cherokee path who might serve 
to defend it. Among them was Charles Russell, former commander of the 
Congaree garrison, who as early as 1725 had established himself at Ox 
Creek (later Lyons Creek) where it joined the other main source of Half- 
way Swamp. The spot was well chosen, for here the slightly higher and 
better land of the upper pine belt began. It had probably been an ancient 
stopping place for Indians and traders, for the land was granted in 1704 to 

■"^ JC, June 7, 1733. The township was named for one of the princesses of the 
royal family. The plat (state archives) was made November-December 1733. 
Note that Bunch's plat (P, XIII, 425), adjoins the "town"; for location see 
plats of Jackson (P, XI, 490), Kelly (P, IX, 295), and Elliott (P, XV, 5), P. C. J. 
Weston, Documents Connected ivith the History of South Carolina (London, 1856), 
p. 177, Salley, George Hunter's Map. For description of the area see Bureau of 
Soils, Field Operations, 1904 (Washington, 1905), Orangeburg Area. 

^ For instance, David Brown (a ship carpenter of Charleston — JC, Jan. 25, 
1744), P, II, 40-41; John Bryan, P, II, 52; John Cooke, P, II, 119; George Haig, 
P, II, 347; Rowland Stratham, P, III, 107; James Michie, P, II, 461. See also P, 
III, 169, 213. 

42 



The Western Townships 43 

George Sterling, whose daughter Russell married. In 1731 Russell bought 
the land from Sterling's son.^ The crossing continued to be a convenient 
stopping place on the road, and Robert Whitford, Joseph Lyons, Benjamin 
Carter and Thomas Weekly settled near Russell and had their lands sur- 
veyed on the creek. The Charleston records indicate that the men were 
from the coast of South Carolina. Near them was the cowpen of James 
Le Bas of St. John's Parish.* 

One of the few foreigners among the early settlers of Amelia was 
Christian Gottlieb Priber, driven out of Germany, he afterwards said, for 
his Utopian schemes. In December 1735 he was advertising sundry per- 
sonal effects for sale in Charleston. Two months later he asked for land in 
Amelia on the rights of himself and five other persons, probably servants; 
he proposed to bring his wife and four children from Saxony later. But 
the Congaree river bottom offered too narrow scope for his learning and 
ambitions, and during 1737 he resorted to the Cherokee country to erect a 
model state. Neither the colonial officials nor the English traders liked 
this new and would-be neutral power, and Priber ended his days a prisoner 
in the Georgia fort at Frederica.° 

By 1740 about thirty-five survej^s had been made in Amelia, amounting 
to over twelve thousand acres. A third of the number and half of the 
acreage were for non-residents. In the next nine j^ears less than six thou- 
sand acres were added to the total ; nearly all the applicants were residents.^ 

Major Russell died in January 1737, at the beginning of a mission as 
agent to the Cherokees. His widow continued in her home, which was 
even more conveniently situated than before, for from this point on the 
Cherokee path there now ran a path to Joyner's or McCord's ferry, Mrs. 
Russell supplied passers-by with food and drink; her bill to the provincial 
government for entertainment of Cherokees and Catawbas going to visit the 
governor was in 1742 about eleven pounds; in 1746 it was sixteen, and in 
1750 twenty-five. Sugar, punch and drams were large items in these 
amounts. At that time five children and eleven slaves were part of her 

^ For the date see notice of the death of his widow (A. S. Salley, Jr., History of 
Orangeburg County — Orangeburg, 1898 — p. 198). For the location and identity of 
Ox Creek, see P, I, 235, VI, 58. The lines and bounds of P, I, 235, 368, 412-413, 
identify the tract. See Susan S. Bennett, "Some Early Settlers of Calhoun County", 
Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association, 1938. 

* See N. D. Mereness, Travels in the American Colonies (New York, 1916), 
pp. 98-99, and S. C. Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee Country (Johnson 
City, 1928), p. 130; P, I, 235, 412-413, II, 90, IV, 210; JC, June 26, 1735; P, IV, 
216, VI, 9; JCHA, Jan. 19, 1737. The names of the land owners occur in the 
Giessendanner record (Salley, Orangeburg), and similar names occur in A. S. 
Salley, Jr., Register of St. Philip's Parish . . . 1720-1758 (Charleston, 1904). 

^JC, Feb. 27, 1736; P, IV, 28; Mereness, Travels, pp. 246-249; SCG, May 30, 
Aug. 15, 1743; JCHA, Mar. 1, 1739; V. W. Crane, "A Lost Utopia", Seivanee 
Review, January, 1919. 

® See the Amelia entries in the index to Plats. Evidence of residence may be 
found in the Giessendanner record, the advertisements in SCG, and petitions for 
land. 



44 The Expansion of South Carolina 

household.^ A rival for this trade appeared in 1747 — Robert Rogers, 
lately arrived in the province, who described himself as Innkeeper of 
Boggy Gully, a small stream which entered Halfway Swamp a mile below 
the junction of Lyons Creek and Mill Creek. In 1749 Conrad Hallman 
surveyed the adjoining land below, and in time made his house also an 
important stopping place.^ 

Mill Creek, the eastern source of Halfway Swamp, received its name 
from Miles Jackson's mill, and in 1749, on his declaration to the governor 
that he and his neighbors had been successful in wheat growing, he was 
lent the bolting cloth needed to complete the mill. To the northeast and 
near the pleasant valley of Buckhead Creek, several small farmers and the 
owner of nine slaves established themselves during the 'forties, and Joseph 
Joyner began operating his private ferry over the Congaree at the tip of 
the great bend of the river.^ 

The northern part of the township, about High Hill Creek, was at the 
edge of the sand hill region, and was evidently least desired by settlers. 
Sir Alexander Cuming in 1730 noted "Iron Stone" and iron ore (the iron- 
bearing sandstone of the region) at several points within or near the town- 
ship. That some use was made of it is indicated by the occurrence in 1753 
of "Mine Branch" on one plat, and "Path to Mines" on two others, all 
above High Hill Creek.^° Ten miles above this creek, near Sandy Run, 
there was similar sandstone, and several notations on plats are good evi- 
dence that here too some enterprising smith smelted the ore.^^ 

Meanwhile, in the unsettled area on the banks of the nearby Edisto, 
the administration was planting the second group of Switzers who came 
among the bounty immigrants. The North Fork of the Edisto is one of the 
beautiful little rivers that rise in the sand hills; after reaching the coastal 
plain its swamps are from a half mile to a mile in width, but the stream is 
still bold and clear. The site selected for the town of Orangeburg was the 
east bank of the river where it turns sharply to join the South Fork, and the 
lines of the township were surveyed to make a rectangle extending to the 
western border of Amelia. Only the southern corner of the township lay in 

^JCHA, Feb. 26, 1737, Feb. 16, 1742, Jan. 23, 1746, Mar. 14, May 17, 1750; JC, 
Mar. 16, 1749; Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C. 

^Ib'td., JC, May 14, 1747; P, IV, 449, V, 230, VII, 255; JCHA, May 22, 1749, 
Feb. 9, 1750; SCG, May 7, 1750, Nov. 3, 1759. 

9 See P, IV, 419, 522, V, 83, 212, VI, 62, XVII, 212-213; JC. Feb. 14, 1745, 
Nov. 21, 1746, Mar. 16, Nov. 7, 1749; SCG, May 14, 1750 (advt. of Thomas 
Bulline); Salley, Orangeburg, pp. 97, 99, 101, 114, 132; JCHA, Mar. 10, 1752, 
Apr. 10, 1753; JUHA, Mar. 9, 1752, Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C. 

^° Williams, Early Travels, pp. 130-131, Bureau of Soils, Orangeburg Area; 
P, V, 472, XII, 52, XV, 402. 

"P, V, 224, VI, 399. See also "The Mine Land" (P, VI, 399). For location 
see below, p. 58, n. 15 and Map 3. The "mines" tract was Earingsman's plat; 
today an area of about half an acre partly covered with loose iron-sandstone, 
three-quarters of a mile from the highway in the direction of Bell Hall on the 
Congaree (see Mills, Atlas, "Lexington District"), indicates the location. 



The Western Townships 45 

the flat swampy area of the lower pine belt; in the middle and upper 
portions, especially along the river, were large stretches of soil like the best 
in Amelia/^ 

On the 13th of July 1735 a ship arrived from Rotterdam with two 
hundred and fifty Swiss on board, ninety of them able to bear arms. The 
South Carolina Gazette enlarged upon the possibilities of their producing 
wheat and corn "which now we are obliged to purchase at what rate soever 
from our neighbours." They were to settle on the Edisto, that land being 
thought best for wheat, corn, hemp and flax, and likewise for vineyards. 
The Broughton administration pursued the enterprise with vigor. Within 
a fortnight over two hundred of the Switzers began their journey to the 
township, and fourteen months later lands had been surveyed and grants 
signed for eighty-three men.^^ 

The newcomers probably found Joseph Robertson already settled in 
the township; he was evidently from St. Philip's Parish. In 1732 John 
Hearn "of James Island, hatmaker," declared that he had "settled" a 
tract of five hundred acres on the Edisto; the next year as "Planter" of 
Colleton County he had this tract surveyed and was then living on it. 
This doubtless was his cowpen, a short distance below the proposed site 
of the town; in 1741 he was justice of the peace. Seth Hatcher, a 
Virginian, had land in the township in 1735.^* The names of a dozen other 
non-German settlers occur in the land records up to 1740, and as many 
more appear in the next twenty years. Grants of land in the township to 
non-residents, however, were negligible. 

For several years after 1735 the foreigners came in steadily; like the 
other German settlers prior to 1750, they were almost entirely Swiss. By 
1740 30,000 acres had been granted or surveyed; in the next nine years 
6,000 acres, and in the 'fifties 9,000 more was taken up, all in tracts 
averaging less than two hundred acres. Nine of the applicants were men 
who had completed their terms as indented servants. One of the former 
servants owned a slave, another had five, but there were only half a dozen 
other negroes listed throughout the period. However, as there were few 
additions to the original holdings — despite the fact that there were three 
or four hundred children born in the township between 1740 and 1759 — 
this does not account for the possible purchases of slaves by the earlier 
settlers. The first choice for surveys was the high ground about the site 
of the town, and next the valleys of the two or three creeks in the south- 

■^^ Bureau of Soils, Orangeburg. A plat of Orangeburg has not been found. 
Several line plats (P, IV, 185, 255, 321, V, 2+2) show that Faden, Map of S. C, 
gives the location more accurately than Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C. The name 
was evidently given in honor of the marriage of the Princess Royal to the Prince 
of Orange — see London News, SCG, Aug. 12, 1732. 

^^SCG, July 19, 26, 1735; JC, July 19, 1735, Sept. 17, 1736. 

ifJC, Nov. 23, 1732, June 26, 1735; P, II, 331, 358-359, III, 253, IV, 447; 
Register of St. Philip's, index, and Salley, Orangeburg, pp. 96, 202. 



46 The Expansion of South Carolina 

east and center of the township. Orangeburg was thus a compact settle- 
ment of small farmers, and suited perfectly the purposes of the founders. 
There were one hundred and forty-three men in the militia company of 
the township in 1757, and as there does not appear to have been any great 
loss by death or removals, it is probable that the population increased from 
about five hundred in 1740 to about eight hundred in 1759.^^ 

Major Russell directed the settlement of the Orangeburg Switzers, 
and in the latter part of 1736 Lieutenant-Governor Broughton himself 
visited the Edisto and Santee townships to inquire into the complaints of 
the settlers. After Russell's death in 1737 Christian Mote was appointed 
agent for the Swiss and rendered valuable service. For a time he lived in 
Orangeburg, but in 1740 he advertised from Charleston a hundred acres 
and two lots for sale in Orangeburg, "upon one of which is built a neat, 
strong Dwelling-house, as also a Kitchen and other Out houses". John 
Chevillette who was in Purrysburg in 1736 had been formerly an officer 
in the Prussian service, and was in 1757 Colonel of the Berkeley County 
militia regiment. This organization included the companies of Amelia, 
Orangeburg and other settlements to the northwest; Christian Minnick, 
in the Edisco Forks, was Lieutenant-Colonel.^^ 

The Switzers embarked in earnest upon their mission of supplying the 
province with grain, and in October 1737 Mote declared that they had 
begun a water mill on the Edisto which for completion would need "4 
saws for a Water Machine to saw Plank, 4 Mill stones for grinding 
Corn", six hundred pounds of iron and one hundred pounds of steel. 
Despite an aid of twenty-nine pounds from the township fund for the 
purpose, Peter Roth reported in 1742 that the mill had never been com- 
pleted, and proposed to finish it if he were granted an acre of land on the 
river adjoining the town. The plat of this acre, surveyed the next year, 
shows "The Mill" on the banks of the river a few yards from Front 
Street. This year and the two following the Orangeburgers were "favored 
with a very plentiful crop of Wheat" and had high hopes for the future." 

Henry Snell's application in 1742 for the bounty on hemp, the drown- 
ing of tiny Barbara Frolick in an indigo vat, the listing of indigo seed in 
one Orangeburg inventory with rice sieves in that and another from the 
nearby country, indicate that the settlement, in a small way, made some 
profit from the Carolina staples. Several tradesmen appear — another 
carpenter-millwright, a blacksmith, and, most enterprising of all, a counter- 
feiter, Martyn Binsky, who in 1751 on promise of pardon secured by his 

^^JC, Feb. 14, 1745, Mar. 13, 1746, May 4, 1757; note baptisms In Salley, 
Orangeburg, pp. 94-213, and see Orangeburg in index to Plats. 

^^ JCHA, Apr. 26, 1735, Feb. 26, 1737; JUHA, Nov. 11, 1736, Dec. 9, 1737; JC, 
May 18, Dec. 3, 1736, Mar. 5, 1737, June 1, 1738; SCG, Sept. 6, 1740; Salley, 
Orangeburg, pp. 24, 32. 

"JUHA, Oct. S, 1737; JCHA, Oct. 6, 7, 1737; JC, June 1, 1738, Aug. 27, 1742, 
Aug. 3, 1744; P, IV, 181. 



The Western Townships 47 

wife, delivered up copper plates and six hundred and eighty-one counterfeit 
South Carolina notes. He revealed a plot for smuggling money through 
Philadelphia from Svt^itzerland.^^ 

The circuit court act of 1769 provided for a courthouse at Orange- 
burg, vv^hich had before been no more than a village, and shortly afterwards 
the town was resurveyed. John Chevillette in 1745 appears in Orange- 
burg as justice of the peace and as "John Chevillette & Comp. of Orangeb. 
Storekeeper." A traveller in 1767 found here a tavern, a store "and a man 
that pretended to preach".^® 

The position of the township and the compactness of settlement doubt- 
less had much to do with the solidarity of Orangeburg, but the strongest 
force for unity and progress was its church. John Ulrick Giessendanner, 
from Lichtensteig, Switzerland, came with the colony. In March 1737 he 
advertised as a silversmith in Charleston, but in October, with Mote to 
read the service in English, he married an English couple in Orangeburg. 
His housekeeper, who had been for twenty-six years in his employ, followed 
him to America "& to prevent & obviate any cause offence or scandel" he 
married her, Mote performing the service. In the open near his house he 
preached every Sunday.^" 

In hardly more than a year, however, the worthy minister died. His 
nephew, John Giessendanner, at the desire of the Germans went to Charles- 
ton to secure from the Anglican Commissary license to preach in Orange- 
burg. Mote persuaded him instead to take Presbyterian orders. His 
preaching was "to the Inexpressible satisfaction of the Congregation at 
Orangeburgh," and several years later the English of that and nearby com- 
munities observing him "to be a Man of Learning, Piety and Knowledge 
in the holy Scriptures, prevailed with him to officiate in preaching once Ev- 
ery fortnight in English, which he hath Since performed very articulate and 
Intelligible." In 1743 Bartholomew Zouberbuhler, Junior, a candidate 
for Anglican orders, attempted to displace Giessendanner. John Hearn 
"and above four score of the Dutch and English Inhabitants of Orange- 
burg and the adjoining plantations" sent an indignant protest to the gov- 
ernor. They were high in their praise of Giessendanner, and declared that 
Zouberbuhler had been sent for "by some wicked Persons, in one part of 
the Township" who had been exasperated by Giessendanner's public repri- 
mand for "Great Irregularitys, and disorders" committed on the Sabbath.^^ 

18 JC, July 4, 1749, July 12, Aug. 1, 6, 26, 29, Sept. 3, 1751; Salley, Orangeburg, 
pp. 202, 207-208; JCHA, Jan. 25, 1742; Inventories, 1758-1761, pp. 32, 283-284. 

^^ Stats., VII, 198, Wallace, History of S. C, II, 61, n. 71, above, p. 46; JCHA, 
Mar. 15, 1774; SCG, July 13, 1745 (Chevillette's advt.). Court Records, Charles- 
ton, Common Pleas, Feb. 1746 (note of 1745 due to Chevillette, see also suit by him 
in August term, 1747), Diary of T. Griffiths, Expedition to Ayoree 1767-1768, 
The State (Columbia), Dec. 30, 1929. 

2° Voigt, German Element, pp. 52-53, Salley, Orangeburg, p. 94. 

21 See Salley, Orangeburg, pp. 35, 95, JC, Nov. 9, 1743, Mar. 6, 1744. Zouber- 
buhler later became rector of Christ Church in Savannah (Jones, History of Ga., 
I, 525). 



48 The Expansion of South Carolina 

This secured Giessendanner in his ministry. Six years later he appeared 
armed with a supporting petition from the township and proposed to go to 
England for Episcopal orders, and thence to Germany and Switzerland as 
immigration agent. He was allowed fourteen pounds expense money, and 
was promised a shilling and a half a head for the foreign Protestants he 
might bring back. He returned shortly, having received orders, and 
brought with him fifty copies in German of the Book of Common Prayer. 
On a further petition to the assembly he was allowed for preaching in 
Orangeburg and Amelia fifty-seven pounds a year from the provincial 
funds. In 1757, on his plea that this sum was inadequate for the ex- 
tensive service and for his "very numerous" family, it was increased to one 
hundred pounds. About the time that Giessendanner returned from 
England the Orangeburgers built him a church, in which he preached 
until his death in 1761.^^ 

The register begun by the elder Giessendanner was continued by the 
nephew until near his death. Before his ordination in 1749 it was in 
German; thereafter, as befitted a minister of the Church of England, it 
was kept in English.^^ One has but to read through the entries to under- 
stand the "inexpressible satisfaction" of his parishioners, and the unique 
service he rendered the historian. His register shows that the German 
and English elem.ents in Orangeburg tended to remain separate from one 
another but not aloof. There are many instances of one standing sponsor 
for the other in the baptism of children, and in the entire record, for the 
township and nearby communities, there were about a score of mixed 
marriages. 

The long rectangle of level or rolling land between the North and 
South Forks of the Edisto was closely associated with Orangeburg, and 
had much the same type of soil, but both in population and industry pre- 
sented a marked contrast. The rivers which shut it off from the coast put 
its agriculture at a disadvantage but served to enclose its cattle ; the 
abundant cane of the swamps fed them, and the region soon became the 
largest and best range in the province."* 

Christian Minnick came to South Carolina about the time that the 
Swiss settled in Orangeburg; he began then or soon afterwards to raise 
cattle in the forks and before 1745 two other stocks of cattle are recorded. 
In 1744 a separate militia company of about thirty men was formed in this 
community, on the petition of settlers who complained of the difficulty of 
attending militia musters. Prior to 1749, when Minnick, along with 
Gavin Pou and William Young who appear in Giessendanner's register 



22 
23 



;JC, Feb. 26, 1748, Mar. 16, 1749; JCHA. Jan. 15, 1765, Aug. 11, 1769. 

' The original record, recently acquired by the South Caroliniana Library of 
the University of South Carolina, was printed in Salley, Orangeburg, pp. 93-216. 
^* See Bureau of Soils, Orangeburg, Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C, South Caro- 
lina and American General Gazette (cited as SCAGG), June 5, 1769 (advt. of 
Audeon St. John & Co.). 



The Western Townships 49 

years before, applied for warrants, there were few surveys. By that time it 
is probable that the cattle raisers had establishments too valuable to be left 
without full protection of the law. There was, for instance, the property on 
the east side of the South Fork formerly owned by Joseph Russell. When 
his successor advertised it in 1755 the thousand-acre tract included fifty 
acres of cleared land, a good house and corn house, both cedar-framed, the 
dwelling house boarded above and below. There was also a negro kitchen 
and other outhouses, and a landing on the river.^^ Pou had one slave, 
Minnick six, and in the next five years applied for warrants on the rights 
of eleven more. There were four other applicants, among them Thomas 
Jones, cowkeeper, who appeared between 1740 and 1750 in the forks, but 
whose lands were not taken up until 1757 and 1758.^^ These families 
were ministered to by Giessendanner to all appearance as part of his 
Orangeburg congregation. 

There was little if any navigation of the Edisto, and the road to Charles- 
ton spanned a forty-mile stretch of scantily settled country crossed by two 
wide swamps. The assembly gave no aid for building and maintaining 
bridges over these swamps, and the inhabitants found the labor and taxes 
burdensome, while the roads continued to be "very deep and dangerous . . . 
and exceeding troublesome. . . ."^^ In 1756 a private bridge over the 
North Fork which gave access to the Charleston road was placed under 
public care, and these settlers pointed out to the assembly that it would be 
seventy miles nearer were the present route from Charleston to the Chero- 
kee forts, which followed the road along the Congaree and Saluda, changed 
to run through Orangeburg and the forks.^^ But the forks population 
was probably less than two hundred, and much of the country was still 
waste ; within the past six years there had been two advertisements mention- 
ing "wild gangs of horses" in that section. The road to Saluda had to 
wait ten years. 

With the end of the general depression in the province about 1748 the 

25Salley, Orangeburg, pp. 94, 100, 162, 172; P, III, 263, IV, 520; SCG, May 19, 
1739, Dec. 24, 1744, Dec. 22, 1746, Apr. 1, 1751, Jan. 30, 1755 (advts. of Abraham 
Du Pont, George Haig, James Marion, and Alexander McGregor) ; JC, Feb. 29, 
Apr. 13, 1744, June 30, Sept. 6, 1749, Dec. 3, 1751. 

^*' JC, May 5, 1752, Apr. 14, 1753. For Jones and the other three applicants, see 
SCG, July 23, 1750 (advt. of Chevillette) ; John Clayton, Salley, Orangeburg, p. 

107, JC, Mar. 1, 1757; Brand Pendarvis, JC, Dec. 5, 1758, SCAGG, June 5, 1767 
(advt. of Gavin Pou), Salley, Orangeburg, p. 98; Leonard Varnido, ibid., pp. 103, 

108, P, VI, 294. See also John Simmons and James Pendarvis, Salley, Orange- 
burg, index. 

'^5CG, July 4, 1774; JUHA, Jan. 21, 1737, May 7, 1752; JCHA, Jan. 21, 1737, 
Feb. 25, 26, 28, May 21, 1741, May 9, 1752; Stats., VII, 519-520, IX, 95-96, 140- 
141; Diary of T. Griffiths Cabove, n. 19). 

^"^ Stats., IX, 183-184, 190-191; JCHA, Mar. 17, 1756, Feb. 2, 1757, Mar. 2, 
1758; JUHA, Mar. 15, Nov. 15, 1756. 

29 JC, May 4, 1757, SCG, Oct. 23, 1752, July 25, 1754 (advts. of James Francis 
and Gavin Pou), Stats., IX, 221. A plat surveyed in 1757 near Clouds Creek, a 
branch of Little Saluda, showed a "wagon road" from Orangeburg to Long Cane 
(P, XIV, 269), but there is nothing to show that it was much used for such traffic. 



50 The Expansion of South Carolina 

scantily developed Amelia began a rapid growth. During the year 1749 
about twenty-five surveys or applications for land were made for persons 
settling in the township, a third of them for Germans. For the years 1749 
to 1759 the total was between twenty-eight and thirty thousand acres, 
representing about one hundred and ninety warrants, evenly divided be- 
tween German and English names. The Germans were a part of the great 
tide of this decade which the Indian troubles of the back country, aided 
perhaps by the efforts of the provincial government, turned back toward 
the coast. Less than ten percent of the total warrants for the decade ap- 
pear to have been for non-residents and about the same number were for 
English settlers who already had lands. In the militia organization of 
1757 were two Amelia companies, the lower of eighty-three men, the 
upper of fifty-five, but the latter evidently included some settlers north of 
the township. There were probably six hundred and fifty whites and a 
hundred slaves in the township.^^ 

Of this new migration the early settlement on Halfway Swamp re- 
ceived its share. John Fouquet in 1749 applied for a warrant for three 
hundred acres which included the rights for four slaves, and in 1753 for 
five hundred acres on ten headrights. His first tract was survejed on 
Halfway Swamp immediately below Boggy Gully, and here he built up an 
establishment which, in his advertisement offering it for sale in 1758, he 
described at length : "a very good pleasant dwelling-house, a very large 
barn, stables, a stand for waggon and cart, a large smoak-house, and several 
negro houses ; about 70 acres clear, and a good part thereof new ground, 
most under good fence, about 10 acres under wild indico, cut but once, with 
conveniences for making indico without pumps, and a good quantity of 
fruit trees." ^^ 

Nearly a score of small landholders made surveys in the valley of 
Buckhead Creek,^" while other settlers were moving in with capital and 
slaves for developing the land along the Santee. Moses Thomson, who ac- 
cording to family tradition was from Pennsylvania, settled in the Shen- 
andoah Valley and bought a thousand acres from William Beverley. 
By the end of 1745 he had moved to Amelia where he presently became 
justice of the peace and captain of the militia. Headrights for thirteen 
slaves were included in warrants granted him in 1749 and 1754. His son 
William in 1755 married a daughter of Charles Russell and acquired a 
tract of four hundred acres at the mouth of Buckhead Creek, the beginning 
of his Belleville plantation.^^ Near him lived John McCord, former 

3° Below, p. 154, JC, May 4, 1757. For slaves see also JC, Dec. 5, 1749, Sept. 3, 
1754, Aug. 5, Oct. 21, 1755. 

^MC, Oct. 3, 1749, Apr. 3, 1753, SCG, Dec. 15, 1758. 

^^P, V, 83, 85, 133, VI, 36, 41, 85, 93; see also adjoining names in Plat index. 

^^ SCG, Apr. 18, 1748; Joseph Johnson, Traditions . . . of the American 
Revolution (Charleston, 1851), pp. 91, 100-101; Lyman Chalkley, Chronicles of the 
Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia (3 vols., Rosslyn, 1912), III, 253-254; JC, Feb. 
10, 1749, Oct. 7, 1751, Aug. 7, 1754; Salley, Orangeburg, p. 119; P, VI, 172. 



The Western Townships 51 

Indian trader, and in 1759 proprietor of Joyner's ferry .^* Moses Thomson 
made his home at the mouth of Halfway Swamp, and the settlement on the 
lower portion of that stream of others, residents if not natives of the prov- 
ince, shifted the center of gravity of the township to the southeast. This 
brought into the affairs of the community a group of Santee planters hitherto 
little interested in Amelia.^'' 

Giessendanner records frequent marriages or baptisms at Mrs. Russell's 
home, and the majority of Amelia names are in his register. Occasionally he 
appears at Moses Thomson's, or on Buckhead at William Martin's or John 
Lloyd's. In 1756 the upland settlers, through their "Trustees", asked aid 
of the Commons to complete their partly built church. The planter- V* 
controlled House rejected the petition, but "Amelia Chappel" occurs in Gies- 
sendanner's record in March 1757 and regularly thereafter. It seems to 
have been on the Cherokee road about a mile below the Ox Creek crossing.^® 

The death of Giessendanner in 1761 cleared the way for the planters 
to assume control. In 1764 the House was petitioned by certain Amelia 
inhabitants, probably the same group as before, for some provision for a 
minister, and the next year the Orangeburgers asked that their township be 
made a parish. The answer of the assembly was an act to form St. 
Matthew's Parish, including in it the two townships and an additional sec- 
tion below Amelia on the Santee. The desire of the assembly to grant 
representation to the middle and back country, none too strong at best, 
was now sadly weakened by the veto of this act by the crown because it 
added two members to the Commons. St. Matthew's became a parish in 
1768 with only one seat in the House, and that had to be taken from St. 
James Goose Creek. The acts provided for a chapel in Orangeburg and a 
church and chapel elsewhere as the commissioners should decide. The two 
Thomsons, William Heatley, and Thomas Sabb were among those named, 
and there could have been no surprise when the church was placed on the 
river road, above Halfway Swamp, and the chapel some miles south of it.^^'— ^^ 

Orangeburg remained a township of small German farmers, but Amelia Kv^ 
had become a planter's parish. v 

s* Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 150; JC, Apr. 27, 1748, Mar. 16, 1749, May 7, 1751; 
JCHA, July 6, 1759, P. VI, 62; Salley, Orangeburg, index, SCHGM, XXXIV, 177- 
179. McCord's Ferry was not made a public ferry until 1766 — Stats., IX, 214. 
McCord appears as witness to a deed made by Thomas Brown Dec. 4, 1745 (Mesne 
Conveyances, MS, 3A, 182-187). 

^^ For instance, Garret Fitzpatrick, Thomas and William Sabb, Ezekiel Cox, 
William Heatley, Jerome LeBoeuf — Salley, Orangeburg, index; JC, Sept. 6, 1749, 
Mar. 6, 1753, Feb. 2, 1756; Register . . . Prince Frederick (Baltimore, 1916), index; 
Transactions of the Huguenot Society of South Carolina, 1934, pp. 48-51. 

3«JCHA, Nov. 17, 1756, Mar. 11, 1757; Salley, Orangeburg, p. 169; SCG, Dec. 
IS, 1758 (John Fouquet's advt.). See G. D. Bernheim, History of the German 
Settlements and of the Lutheran Church in North and South Carolina (Philadelphia, 
1872), pp. 227-228. 

!*^JCHA, July 31, Aug. 1, 9, 1764, Jan. 15, Mar. 7, 1765; Stats., IV, 230-232, 
298-300; Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C, Dalcho, Episcopal Church, p. 333-334. 




-Vi.dLa.iy J p.t.Yrcj 



No\t: CKo-Tig e.5 Ka_i^e. ^ee. n Tr\o.de 
iV\ \i'ht.s of .5 c'lTNe. plo-t-j ta hriwg- 

YOrs or fYo.u.ds M\ea.Kly ^it^i^e^j 
loca.tiow.j of Thosse (7 laVs fl-j^pr^/^i- 
Ce.Yfi-f-iCCK'ryO \\-^ Yc f iV Ct\ ce.} (\Ye. t-p 

velu\\ve.i (7-f P\al^, Mame-s m 
brac-Kcl-i indicate \.a."te^y oujwzrs; 
fpr refefenctJ see a.ciyo(A(w. 




Map 3 
TVve Co-ng-arees tn /7J3 



5ca\e. of Mi le^ 



CHAPTER V 

Saxe Gotha and the Congarees 

The upper Congaree Valley was inevitably chosen for one of the new 
townships. Here the sand ridges faced each other across the river only two 
or three miles apart, inviting blue heights at a distance but desolate wastes 
underfoot. Above, the chief valley of the piedmont spread out like a fan. 
Below, on the west side for thirty miles the Congaree hugged the sand hills 
which east of the river receded before the steadily widening swamp and 
fertile plain. A settlement at the upper end of this valley and on the west 
bank of the river must always be cramped in its quarters, but would com- 
mand the Cherokee path and much of the future traffic of the piedmont. 

In 1730 or perhaps earlier Thomas Brown, of northern Irish origin, 
entered the Catawba trade, and a few years later established his famous 
store "near the Congrees Old Fort". This post had been on the high 
bank of the river at the point where Congaree Creek, approaching the 
larger stream, turns sharply to the south, a mile and a half above its mouth. 
Brown's brother Patrick was his partner until about 1740 when he entered 
the Creek trade. Concerned with them was Alexander Kilpatrick, who a 
few years later left the pathetic injunction to his executors to endeavor to 
get his son Thomas down from the Catawabas.^ 

In 1733 the governor and council ordered a township marked off at the 
Congarees. With its reserve it extended from Sandy Run on the Congaree 
beyond Twelve Mile Creek on the Saluda, but the strip of desirable land 
was little more than a mile wide at any point. The town, eventually 
known as Saxe Gotha, was laid out just above the old garrison site with its 
Front Street paralleling the river bank for nearly a mile, and a reservation 
for a fort at its northern end. The ground was level and fertile and the 
location convenient." 

Between 1732 and 1735 eight surveys were made on the east bank of 
the river between the shoals and Patricks or Jacksons Creek. At least 
three, probably five, of the men taking up these lands were non-residents, 
the investment in the rich bottom land evidently appealing to them either 

1 Above pp. 11-12; Map 3; Wills, MS, 1736-1740, p. 229, 1740-1747, pp. 388-389, 
1752-1756, p. 373; JC, Nov. 28, 1733 (Brown's Catawba son was fifteen years old 
in 1745— Mesne Conveyances, 3A, p. 183); JUHA, May 23, 1733, Feb. 28, 1744; 
Bureau of Soils, Field Operations, 1922 (Washington, 1928), Lexington. 

2JC, June 7, 1733, Haig, Map of the Cherokee Country; P, IV, 166, 382, 469, 
VI, 325, XII, 135, 145, Map 3. The name was evidently given later in honor of 
the marriage of the Prince of Wales to Princess Augusta of Saxe Gotha — see 
JCHA, Dec. 4, 1736. 

S3 



54 The Expansion of South Carolina 

for future sale or for their own use.^ One tract was for Alexander Kil- 
patrick, another for Thomas Brown, and he or his brother Patrick also ac- 
quired the tracts of Dr. Daniel Gibson and of Henry Gignilliat, a Charles- 
ton vintner. The west side of the river was almost ignored until the 
arrival of the bounty settlers, but Patrick Brown had three hundred acres 
surveyed at the bend of Congaree Creek which included the site of the old 
fort. By 1736 Thomas Brown and John Beresford, a low country land- 
owner, had acquired plats on Twelve Mile Creek, and Brown even 
secured two hundred and fifty acres at Ninety Six, fifty miles northwest of 
that point. They were anticipating the growth of the province by seizing 
the best crossings on the Cherokee path.* 

In February 1735, during a temporary exhaustion of the township fund, 
several Switzers petitioned the assembly for payment of the passage of 
nineteen others of their party, in order that they might come on shore and 
settle in a township. Among the former were Martin Friday, John Ulric 
Beckman (or Bachman), John Ulric Muller and John Frederick Coleman. 
But Jacob Gallman was unable to pay for the transportation of himself 
and nine children, and John Matthias, Jacob Spuhl and five others were 
still bound for their passages. Anglicizing of some of the names had al- 
ready begun ; Coleman was evidently for Gallman, Friday for Fridig, and 
Matthias, Muller and Spuhl soon after began to appear as Matthews, 
Miller, and Spear. The Commons House provided the desired payment 
and ordered the immigrants sent to the Congarees. Half a barrel of 
powder and sixteen muskets were to be delivered "to the Patroon of the 
Periague, who is to transport the . . . Swiss to the said Township." ^ This 
is one of the few references to water transportation between Charleston and 
the Congarees. It may have involved the perilous voyage along the coast 
to the mouth of the Santee, or the safer but broken trip by way of the 
Cooper River. All of the names cannot be identified with the Saxe Gotha 
settlement; however, Jacob Gallman had his land surveyed immediately 
below the old fort and three others selected theirs near him. But Martin 
Friday had his two hundred and fifty acres surveyed two miles above at the 
falls, a site of which he later made good use, and three more established 
themselves nearby. A Charleston merchant, in May 1735, reported of the 
Swiss at the Congarees "that they were industrious and settling apace." 
In December the council read their complaint that Brown's store attracted 
Indians who destroyed their corn. Two years later the settlers gratified 

2 See Map 3, Memorials, I, 50 (Satur), V, 186 (Gignilliat), J. H. Easterby, 
History of the St. Andrew's Society of Charleston, South Carolina, 1729-1929 
(Charleston, 1929), p. 22 (Stitsmith). Gibson does not appear as residing in the 
Congarees at any time. James Hopkins, a resident in 1737, seems to have given 
up claim to two surveys made near the site of the garrison in 1733 — see P, I, 219- 
220, II, 344, JC, Nov. 28, 1733, Mesne Conveyances, 2B, 35. 

* Wills, 1740-1747, p. 388; P, I, 506, 514, II, 1, 17, V, 141; Map 3; below, p. 
118. 

^See Map 3; JUHA, Feb. 5, 6, 7, 14, 1735; JCHA, Feb. 5, 6, 1735. 



The Western Townships 55 

the provincial government by seizing six counterfeiters hidden near the 
settlement.^ 

In 1736 Stephen and Joseph Crell, who were German — whether Swiss 
or not does not appear — arrived with "their people" in Charleston and 
were transported to the Congarees at the expense of the township fund. 
Their seven hundred and fifty acres were surveyed for them on the river 
about the mouth of Toms Creek, the next stream below Congaree Creek. 
The following year a dozen other immigrants settled in the township. 
Three of them, Herman, Abraham and John Jacob Geiger, had withdrawn 
from John Tobler's band of New Windsor Switzers who considered their 
departure a good riddance, Herman, so Tobler declared, being "a useless 
man . . . [who] swore and cursed." The Geiger lands, along with those 
of several others of the newcomers, were surveyed immediately above 
Martin Friday.^ John Jacob Riemensperger from Toggenburg, Switzer- 
land, arrived in South Carolina in 1737 with twenty-nine families of his 
countrymen. His plat, with several others, probably for those who came 
with him, was surveyed in the same year on the river below Toms Creek. 
At the same time three or four seem to have settled about the mouth of the 
Saluda, and even as high up as Twelve Mile Creek. Between 1736 and 
1741 several English names are to be found among the Saxe Gotha plats; 
Robert Lang senior and junior, William Baker, Thomas Berry, Richard 
Myrick, and John Gibson had surveys near Savannah Hunt Creek. Gibson 
was probably a non-resident; the others doubtless lived on their lands. 
Myrick a few years later was living on Raifords Creek across the river.^ 

Like all the townships, Saxe Gotha had a very slow growth in the 
early 'forties. The most promising move for adding to its population was 
that of Riemensperger. He returned to Switzerland with a description of 
Saxe Gotha signed by thirty-one of the settlers which was published as a 
pamphlet at St. Gall in 1740. He was forbidden to seek emigrants in 
Zurich and was ordered from the territory. But late the next year he 
arrived at Savannah with a number of Switzers, part of whom went to 
Ebenezer. The newcomers were in a miserable state at the time of land- 
ing, and the pastors at Ebenezer reported nearly two months later that, 
despite the care taken of them, only two of the thirty who had started for 
Saxe Gotha were alive. However, the "several" orphans whom Riemen- 
sperger carried in carts to the township, and nursed in his home, were 
evidently other members of this luckless group. Nine years later four 

^Map 3 (H. Spearly adjoined J. "Coleman"— P, IX, 476); PR, XVII, 339 
(Samuel Eveleigh, May 1, 1735, received by Board July 4, 1735) ; JC, Dec. 2, 1735; 
JUHA, Jan. 16, Mar. 25, 1736; JCHA, Jan. 17, Feb. 4, 1736; SCG, Jan. 17, 1736. 

^JC, Sept. 29, 1736, May 28, June 5, 1742; "Tobler Manuscripts" (below, p. 
67, n. 3), pp. 86-87. To locate the plats see Map 3 and P, IV, 161-162 (M. 
Friday), 239 (J. Shillig), 473 (J. Struck), IX, 397 (J. Credy), 472 (A. Geiger), 
XII, 68 (J. Liver). 

^PR, XXIII, 299 (Riemensperger's petition to the crown, May 8, 1749) ; P, IV, 
156, 157, 162-163, 355, 475; Map 3. See also below, pp. 150-151. 



56 The Expansion of South Carolina 

young Germans, two brothers of one name, two of another, asked for land 
between the Broad and Saluda, and explained that two of them had been 
cared for by Herman Geiger, and one each by Henry and John Coleman. 
In the case of each pair the bounty of one brother had been invested in 
cattle, that of the other taken by the guardian." 

There were twenty-five surveys in the township between 1740 and 1747 
on nearly a hundred headrights of Germans, while three small tracts were 
run out for Englishmen. At the latter date a petition stated that there 
were in the township sixty-six fathers of families and a hundred and seven 
children. Modest as was the total of land holdings by English and German 
settlers there had already begun a small overflow to the north bank of the 
Saluda." 

The Crells were granted two hundred and fifty and five hundred acres 
respectively and evidently brought some capital with them. Stephen Crell 
became a justice of the peace, and sold goods under the name of Stephen 
Crell and Company. At his death in 1763, he had a stock of cattle, "some 
books", a Hebrew Bible, and a Greek Testament. In 1739 Joseph Crell 
declared that he had been at great expense "in Erecting a Water Mill" in 
the township. He so impressed the Commons House with the advantage 
that his mill would offer "to the Inhabitants of the several Townships 
who plant wheat" that he was granted twenty-two pounds for completion 
of the work. But he seems to have tired speedily of his Congaree farm at 
Toms Creek, and in September advertised it for sale. He thus put on 
record an excellent description of a back country establishment of the better 
type: five hundred acres "compleatly scituated to keep a Store, and a Stock 
of Cattle and Mares, wnth a new fram'd Dwelling House and other Build- 
ings thereupon, viz a large Cornfield, Potatoes, Peas, Beans, ^c. as also 
Wheat and Hemp already gather'd. , . ; moreover about 8 Bushels of 
Hemp Seed (the Produce of a Quarter of an Acre) 20 Acres of the Land 
being in good Fence all high dry Swamp rich Land fit to raise Hemp with- 
out any dunging. . .". He also offered three choice slaves "acquainted to 
manage the Hemp and to dress Deer Skins, Household Stuffs, Plantation 
Utensils, a Waggon, a Plough, a Brewkettle, Brass Kettles, . . . Hoes, 
Axes, . . ." etc. and choice cows, horses and hogs. The advertisement 
does not mention the mill, and the actual building was probably done by 

^ MS notes of G. P. Voigt, citing letter of Archivist of Zurich; Samuel Url- 
sperger, Ausfiihrliche Nachricht von den Saltzhurghischen Emigranten (18 series, 
Halle, v.d.), series 10, p. 1856; JC, May 28, 1742, Dec. 4, 1750; PR, XXIII, 299 
(n. 8) ; Col. Recs. of Ga., II, 357-358, 370, 385. Peter Huber and Peter Inabnet, 
two Orangeburgers, also attempted to canvass Switzerland for settlers but were 
imprisoned in 1744, and Inabnet lost his life trying to escape. Huber returned to 
South Carolina, but there is no evidence that he brought settlers. See JC, Oct. 6, 
1742, June 29, 1744, Feb. 10, 1750; A. B. Faust, Lists of Siviss Emigrants in the 
Eighteenth Century to the American Colonies, I (Washington, 1920), pp. 12-16. 

"JC, Mar. 3, 1748; P, IV, 276, 385-387; see also JC, Nov. 11, 1747. 



The Western Townships 57 

Philip Puhl, or Poole as he was often called, who acquired both of Joseph 
Crell's tracts of land/^ In 1748 Puhl declared that he had a corn mill 
and was desirous of erecting a sawmill on the same stream. Martin 
Friday had a mill near the site of his ferry and at his death about 1758 
owned another on Twelve Mile Creek above his home." 

A petition from Saxe Gotha in 1740, signed by thirty-nine persons of 
German name, shows that practically all of the Germans there were of the 
Reformed faith. They addressed their petition to the officers and citizens 
of the city of Zurich, and asked for prayerbooks. Bibles and psalters with 
notes arranged for four voices. When Riemensperger went to Switzerland 
he carried this petition but it was rejected at the time the authorities 
ordered him to leave the district. Christian Theus, the faithful minister of 
the congregation, came from Switzerland probably with his brother 
Jeremiah, the Charleston portrait painter, and in 1739 began his service to 
the Congaree Germans which lasted until after the Revolution. In re- 
sponse to a petition in 1747 which described the great need of the township 
for a church and school with a glebe and maintenance for a minister, a 
committee of the Commons House recommended that seventy-one pounds 
be paid from the township fund towards building "a Church and Free- 
School" in Saxe Gotha. The Lutheran ministers at Ebenezer declared 
that the money went to building a church for the Reformed congregation 
only. In 1751, however, William Baker gave half an acre on the Congaree 
a few hundred yards above the mouth of Sandy Run to the "Elders of the 
German Congregation of the Dissenting protestants at the Congrees . . . 
[with the Meeting house build on] for the sole . . . use of said German 
Protestants of the Helvetic or Walloone Confession as well as of that of 
Augsbourg in Common." Eventually the Lutherans seem to have been left 
to themselves, for seventeen years later John Gallman gave an acre of land 
three miles above, likewise with a church upon it, to the Helvetic congrega- 
tion.^^ 

Just when the growth of the back country was merging the small Saxe 
Gotha settlement into that of the upper Congaree valley as a whole, the 
township lost its two most important men, Thomas Brown and George 
Haig. Brown died in 1747, leaving a considerable estate in lands and ^^itr- 

^^SCG, Sept. 1, 1739, Aug. 29, 1743 (Crell's advt.) ; JCHA, Mar. 1, 1739, May 8, 
1749; Inventories, 1763-1767, p. 15; P, II, 108, 109, IX, 51; JUHA, Jan. 18, 1739. 
For the transfer of Crell's land see Mesne Conveyances, T, 478-479. 

12 JC, Oct. 5, 1744, Mar. 14, 1745, Mar. 9, 1748, Mar. 16, 1749; JCHA, May 25, 
1749, Feb. 9, 1750; SCG, Dec. 22, 1758, Inventories, 1758-1761, p. 89. Friday also 
had a tan-yard, a windmill, nine negroes, a glass window worth three shillings, 
and "a small sett of House Organs." He purchased Anthony Stack's fifty-acre 
tract on Savannah Hunt Creek (Map 3, Memorials, VI, 304-305). 

1^ Zurich Archives, Akten, 369 (notes of G. P. Voigt) ; Bernheim, German 
Settlements, pp. 138-140, 142; JC, May 15, 1747, Feb. 6, Mar. 3, 1748; P, IV, 468, 
V, 33; JCHA, Mar. 5, 1748, May 25, 1749, July 19, 1760; Mesne Conveyances, 3M, 
118-121, Memorials, VI, 370. 



58 The Expansion of South Carolina 

sonal property, but the decline of the Catawbas had been accompanied by 
his own ruin. In this year he had been unable to meet a note for twenty- 
seven hundred pounds, and his appraisers declared that of the accounts 
carried on his books "the Greatest part . . . are Desperate Debts". His 
effects included two silver watches, a sundial, a coffee mill, a trading boat 
valued at £21, 250 bushels of wheat, 43 head of cattle, 185 head of horses, 
and 22 slaves, "some of which have been long used to a trading Boat and 
Pettiauger." " 

The back country career of George Haig is among the most interesting 
in the history of South Carolina expansion. On May 5, 1733, as "George 
Haig of Charles Town . . . Gent." he was appointed deputy surveyor. 
For the next few years he surveyed lands in the low country and in the 
Santee and Congaree townships. In 1737 he was appointed justice of the 
peace and probably about that time moved to Sandy Run, having his home 
about a mile below the crossing of the Cherokee path. He became engaged 
in the Catawba trade and in 1742 brought the Catawbas to yield up for 
justice one of their number who had ravished a white woman. The Cataw- 
bas at the time were about four hundred warriors and were not so uni- 
formly well behaved as they were thereafter, when they had lost heavily 
by smallpox.^^ 

Like other leaders of his time Haig could withhold his hand from no 
office or business. He surveyed most of the early Saxe Gotha and Orange- 
burg plats, carried on his Indian trade, and was captain of the local militia 
company. Between 1737 and 1746 he bought eleven hundred and forty 
acres of land in the Congarees or in the lower part of the province. He 
was constantly in correspondence with the governor on Indian affairs and 
in 1746 went to the Cherokees as assistant to Colonel George Pawley, the 
agent who effected the important Ninety Six purchase. Here he made 
enemies of the Iroquois by seizing from them some captive settlement In- 
dians, and two years later, on a trip to the Catawbas, he was taken prisoner. 
With the half-breed son of Thomas Brown he was carried northward 
through the Cherokee towns, where the traders tried in vain to get the 
Cherokees to intercept the party of their dreaded cousins and rescue the 
prisoners. Mrs. Haig sent a spirited petition to the governor begging that 
the trade to the Cherokees be stopped until they interfered. She trans- 
mitted this through her husband's factor, Thomas Corker, and the sensible 
merchant likewise handed in the eloquent and dignified letter she had 
written to him, with its postscript: "Please to send me something for a 

^* Wills, 1740-1747, pp. 388-389; Court Records, Charleston, Common Pleas, 
Aug. 1747; Inventories, 1746-1748, pp. 162-169; SCG, June 15, 1747 (advt. of 
Brown and Corker). 

^^P, I, 72, 114, 205, II, 47, 53-54, 344, 376, V, 224, VI, 325, 399 (plats of 
Mercier and Earingsman and marks) ; Commissions and Instructions, 1732-1742, 
MS, p. 18; William De Brahm, Map of South Carolina (London, 1757) ; JC, July 5, 
1742; PR, XXIV, 408 (Glen to Board, Dec, 1751), Adair, American Indians, p. 224. 



The Western Townships 59 

Gown that is light & Coarse for every days Wear & very grave, if Callico let 
there be but little White in it or Stamped Linnen." ^® 

A year and a day from the time of Haig's capture there was read in the 
council a letter of President Palmer of Pennsylvania and the journal of 
Conrad Weiser, Indian agent, which gave news of Haig's fate. Despair- 
ing of escape and worn out with the journey, he had forced his captors to 
kill him. His more phlegmatic companion had been ransomed by Weiser 
and got safely home. Haig's personal estate amounted to about £570, and 
included 2 old silver watches, 5 old candlesticks, 15 packhorses, 44 horses, 
18 negroes, and 42 gallons of rum.^^ 

During these dozen years of Saxe Gotha's growth, a separate and 
curiously contrasting development was taking place across the river. Im- 
mediately below the shoals, the east bank of the Congaree widened out into 
a poorly drained bottom which is now regularly overflowed by the river. 
Two miles below the mouth of Jacksons Creek, later known as Gill Creek, 
and about four miles from the site of the Congaree garrison. Green Hill 
rose above high water, and the river bank for a short distance invited 
settlement. Here Philip Jackson had two hundred and fifty acres surveyed 
in 1740; and on "Green Hill Path", which Haig traced upon the plat, he 
later built his house. Other plats were run out on the river bank in the 
early 'forties, despite the danger of high water. One four hundred acre 
stretch, crisscrossed by water courses, was surveyed in 1741 for Elihu 
Baker, a resident on Ashley River ; it was bought by George Haig, and on 
the plat appears a sketch, perhaps more of a prophecy than an achievement, 
of a "Rice Field". But the most desirable land in this district lay two miles 
east on the edge of the lowland. Here for several miles a level terrace of 
silt loam, fertile and easily cultivated, parallels the river. Raifords Creek, 
the present Mill Creek, enters this narrow strip about two miles below 
Gill Creek; it then begins an amazing series of turns and three miles 
farther, having traversed many times that distance, reaches the river bot- 
tom." 

^^Ibid., p. 344; Memorials, VII, 485-486; JC, Mar. 27, Oct. 21, 1746, Mar. 29, 
Apr. 16, 21, 1748; SCG, Apr. 23, 1753; vol. IV of Plats. 

^nnventories, 1748-1751, pp. 174-176; JC, Mar. 18, 1749. Adair, American 
Indians, pp. 343-345, tells part of the story, but uses only the initials, "G.H."; and 
John H. Logan, History of the Upper Country of South Carolina (Charleston, 
Columbia, 1859), pp. 302-306, reversing the initials assumes that it was Herman 
Geiger who was slain. 

i^P, IV, 85, 251, VII, 81; Townsend. S. C. Baptists, pp. 33-34, Bureau of Soils, 
Field Operations, 1916 (Washington, 1921), Richland. Two early attempts to ex- 
ploit this region came to naught — Thomas Brown's "purchase" from the Wateree 
Indians of the land between the Congaree and the Wateree, and the proposal of 
John Cartwright and John Selwvn of London to settle a thousand Protestants on a 
grant here of 200,000 acres (JUHA, Feb. 28, 1744; JCHA, Feb. 28, Apr. 20, 21, 
1744; PR, XIX, 176-179, 195-198, 228-231 (Petition of Cartwright and McCulloh's 
proposal, received by Board May 30, June 14. 1738; Order in Council, July 20, 
1738). 



60 The Expansion of South Carolina 

In 1740 Richard Jackson had four hundred acres surveyed at the head 
of this stretch, but his name was given to the stream farther north ; his 
headrights probably represented several slaves, for he had seven w^hen he 
died in 1750. At the other end of the terrace, four miles away, Philip 
Raiford in 1742 and 1743 had two tracts surveyed and later acquired two 
others nearby, the total amounting to nearly thirteen hundred acres/^ 
John Pearson, who was in Amelia Township in 1737, in 1742 married 
Raiford's daughter Mary, and bought a warrant for three hundred acres 
near the tract of his father-in-law. He proceeded to clear and cultivate the 
land, built a house and barn, and made his home there. The purchase of 
the warrant, however, merely extinguished the claim of the original appli- 
cant; the legal title he secured later on his own rights of three children and 
three slaves. On Haig's death Pearson turned to surveying and became 
the most active of these enterprising developers of the back country. Fol- 
lowing his business he moved up to Broad River about 1755, but after his 
bankruptcy in 1766 returned to the Congaree.^° 

John Fairchild, Pearson's chief rival as surveyor, was evidently from 
the coast country. He had four tracts, eight hundred acres, surveyed on 
or near Raifords Creek between 1741 and 1745 and for a time lived 
there. By 1742 William Howell and, within a few years, Thomas and 
Arthur Howell had acquired tracts of land adjoining each other on the 
creek between Pearson and Raiford. Thomas Howell's plat, like those 
of several of his neighbors, shows his house on the very edge of the high 
bank of the creek, and from his house to that of William the surveyor 
traced "an Avenue"."^ 

In 1741 the blacksmith, Thomas Wallexelleson, settled on the river 

and plied his trade. He neglected to have his warrant surveyed, however, 

and four years later had to hasten to Charleston where he indignantly and 

successfully protested against the attempt of Gilbert Gibson "contrary to 

law and the intent of an hospitable Neighbour" to take up the greater part 

of his timber.^^ William Hay claimed to have been "in Low and mean 

Circumstances" when he came from Virginia about 1748, but he bought 

^»P, IV, 76-77, 86, 382, V, 155; Map 3 (E. Reese) ; Wills, 1747-1752, pp. 62-63. 
See also Col. Recs. of N. C, IV, 330 (Philip Raiford). 

20 Wills, 1736-1740, p. 30, JC, Aug. 2, 1749, Feb. 8, 1751, Salley, Orangeburg, p. 
107 (note P, V, 155, 214, for paths to John Pearson's) ; P, IV, 502, below, p. 156. He 
was "a good Judge of Land" (SCGCJ, Nov. 19, 1771, advt. of John Ward). 

21 P, II, 256, IV, 184, 327, 352, 354, V, 131 (see IV, 270, 293, 299, 382, V, 222), 
Register St. Philip's, p. 73. William Howell's later headrights included five negroes 
and when he died he had twelve, while Thomas had fourteen slaves and nine 
sheep — JC, Nov. 29, 1744, Sept. 6, 1749, May 2, 1750, Oct. 1, 1751, Inventories, 
1758-1761, pp. 394-395. John Gallman who died in Saxe Gotha about 1760 had 
eight sheep {ibid., p. 22). 

22 JC, Nov. 2, 1742, Oct. 5, 1744, Mar. 22, 1745; P, IV, 309; Inventories, 1751- 
1753, p. 420; Wills, 1747-1752, p. 521. Gibson, a native of the province, was il- 
literate; when he died about 1760 he owned five slaves, a plow and a thousand 
pounds of wheat (JC, Oct. 5, 1744, Jan. 27, 1750, Inventories, 1758-1761, pp. 588- 
589). 



The Western Townships 61 



Richard Jackson's land, on which he built "a Griss Mill", and in 1750 
had four negroes in his family besides seven children.^^ 

By the end of 1747 about forty plats, a dozen of them for Germans, had 
been added to the earlier surveys between the falls and the mouth of 
Raifords Creek. Raiford's holdings were the largest and few were over 
five hundred acres. The total population was probably about two hundred. 
Green Hill was the outlet for their wheat and cattle, but cut off as they 
were by river, swamp and creeks, they were badly handicapped. There 
were few plats below Raifords Creek; indeed, the section between that 
stream and the mouth of the Congaree remained almost unsettled until 
after the Cherokee War. The swamp, here three or four miles wide, lay 
almost entirely on the east side of the river, and even such lovers of mud 
and water as the planters could hardly hope to use it, and neither they nor 
the small farmers cared to take up the fertile land paralleling the swamp 
when it meant complete isolation from the river. The Indians may have 
constituted another obstacle to settlement of the region. The Catawbas or 
Waterees probably hunted in the swamps long after the settlement of 
Saxe Gotha.'* 

With the renewal of the German immigration the English element in 
the Congarees fell far behind in numbers. Their petitions between 1749 
and 1759 amounted to about a hundred and thirty headrights, over half 
of them in the township. The best lands, however, were gone; the two 
hundred and fifty Germans who now established themselves in Saxe Gotha 
and the fifty who settled across the river brought the population of the 
upper Congaree valley to eight or nine hundred, but were unable to com- 
pete with the English or earlier Swiss-German settlers for offices, honors 
or trade. There were three settlers from Virginia, one of them John 
Taylor from Amelia County, who in 1756 bought the land of Thomas 
Wallexelleson. John Hamelton, another of the newcomers, was a soldier 
from one of the independent companies, who after his discharge settled on 
Broad River near the Congarees. He became deputy-surveyor and, about 
1754, justice of the peace; twelve negroes were numbered in his head- 
rights."^ 

2^ JC, Sept. 6, 1749, May 2, 1750. The mill appears to have been near the site 
of the dam of the present Adams Pond, or perhaps nearer the junction of Mill 
(Raifords) and Little Creeks. See Map 3, and plats of Hardy Hay and Robert 
Goodwyn adjoining (P, VHI, 354, XI, 300). See also Mesne Conveyances 3Q, 
346. Note that there v?as another mill on a small creek five miles above (Map 3). 

^^ See below, p. 99. Note "Notchee Gut" and "Path to the Notchees" on two 
Raifords Creek plats (Map 3). Some of these Notchees — fragments of the Mis- 
sissippi Natchez tribe — were to be found at this time among the Cherokees, in the 
Catawba towns, and in the low country near Four Hole Swamp — see John R. Swan- 
ton, Indian Tribes of the Loijjer Mississippi Valley . . . (Washington, 1911), pp. 
247-248, 254-255; JC, July 25, 1744, Feb. 4, 1747; JUHA, Mar. 25, Sept. 12, 1738; 
Indian Books, V, 93-94; SCG, Apr. 27, 1734. 

25 SCHGM, XXVII, 204-205, JC, Feb. 2, Apr. 6, July 4, Oct. 4, 1749, Aug. 4, 1752, 
Mar. 6, 1753; SCG, Oct. 31, 1754 (advt. of Hamelton); above, p. 27, n. 27; 
P, V, 116; Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 93; Mesne Conveyances, 2S, 140-145. 



62 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Henry Christopher Beudeker, one of the few tradesmen to appear, was 
a Westphalian brewer and linen-maker. Having "Tasted Philadelphia and 
New York Beer . . . the best of which he reckoned bad" he asked aid of 
the governor and council for the establishment of a brewery at the Con- 
garees, whence he would float his product down the river. He received 
seventy-one pounds as a loan from the township fund. The next year he 
applied for a further grant because of the loss of his barley crop, but this 
was refused, and nothing more is heard of his scheme."^ 

In 1746 the Germans proudly showed Governor Glen their "large 
fields with fine Wheat" and Martin Friday had 2,466 pounds of flour 
when he died. For supplying Fort Loudoun in 1756 and 1757, over a 
hundred thousand pounds of flour was sent from the settlement, and Henry 
Gallman was ordered to buy there three or four thousand pounds of 
bacon."^ Much of this flour and bacon, however, may have come from the 
nearby communities. The successful establishment of indigo planting on 
the coast suggested the crop as a possibility for the middle country and 
even for the back country, for it grew fairly readily in both regions. A 
tract on the river above Green Hill was advertised in 1755 as choice land 
for indigo, but there are few references to it. Flax and hemp added small 
amounts to the income of the more enterprising settlers.^^ 

The rise during the 'fifties of successful families like the Howells and 
Raifords was accompanied by a small exodus of others. Besides Fairchild 
and Pearson, who were doubtless looking for surveyor's fees, a dozen 
Congaree names are found in the piedmont between 1749 and 1759. Solo- 
mon McGraw went to Little River of Broad, and there were several others 
on that stream who evidently had connections with the Raifords Creek 
settlement. Philip Raiford, Junior and James Leslie were also on Broad 
River by 1756. Samuel Lines went to the lower Saluda, while Robert 
Lang senior and junior, or two men of their name, went one to the upper 
Saluda, the other to Crims Creek, a branch of Broad.^ Ill health and 
floods alone were quite enough to drive these men from the low-lying bot- 
tom east of the river, but some no doubt moved because of opportunities to 
sell to more successful neighbors. From the west side, which offered higher 
ground next to the river, there appear to have been fewer departures. 

Other changes equally significant were taking place in the Congarees. 

28 JC, Jan. 18, 1749, Jan. 26, 1750, JCHA, Feb. 9, 10, 1750. Andrew Earner, 
cooper and distiller, settled near Raifords Creek (JC, Nov. 6, 1750, Aug. 6, 1751, 
Map 3). 

2^ PR, XXIV, 431 (Enclosure with Glen's letter of December 1751 to Board); 
Inventories, 1758-1761, p. 89; JCHA, May 14, 1752; Indian Books, V, 379, VI, 32. 

^ SCG, June 15, 1748 (advt. of sale of Brown's property), Jan. 23, 1755 (advt. 
Provost Marshall) ; for identification, see Map 3, and P, IV, 497. See also above 
p. 56, and below, n. 34. William Howell, in his thousand pounds of personal 
property in 1757 had no indigo. His inventory included a number of notes, 45 head 
of horses, 185 head of hogs, and 36 sheep (Inventories, 1756-1758, pp. 178-179). 

29 See Map 3, below, pp. 147, 148, and n. 6, and P, V, 498. 



The Western Townships 63 

In 1749 Martin Friday was feeding travelers and transporting them across 
the Congaree at the foot of the shoals. His petition for the ferry privileges 
aroused to action his countryman, Jacob Geiger, and both plied the Con- 
garee in canoes while they built flats in anticipation of the assembly's ac- 
tion. Elizabeth Haig and Robert Steill also asked the coveted privilege, 
but in 1754 Friday won the contest.^" The Raifords Creek settlers used a 
private ferry at Green Hill until 1756, when Thomas Howell completed 
a road thirty miles in length from another ferry over the Congaree south 
of Raifords Creek to the road leading north from Friday's Ferry .^^ 

Thomas Brown's death in 1747 was followed by the appearance of 
several traders at the Congarees. Robert Steill, who was a member of a 
Charleston firm, settled on the Congaree opposite the fort in 1749 or 1750, 
and succeeded to the Catawba trade of Brown and Haig.^^ He had sixteen 
negroes and a white servant. The chief heir of Brown's Cherokee trade, 
however, and perhaps its purchaser, was one of the first of the bounty set- 
tlers, Herman Geiger, who in 1748 and the years following was supplying 
the traders with goods and serving food and drink to passing Indians. 
In 1749 and 1751 he took up a thousand acres of land in the vicinity.^^ 
He died in 1751, leaving an estate appraised at nearly nineteen hundred 
pounds, including nine negroes, thirty-three horses, sixty head of cattle, and 
seventy head of hogs, two four-horse wagons, over a thousand pounds in 
bonds and book debts, a gristmill, a windmill for cleaning wheat, a broken 
sawmill, a trading boat worth twenty-eight pounds, five psalters, a sermon 
book, a Bible, two decanters and twenty dram glasses.^* With his death 
the outpost of the Cherokee trade shifted northwestward to Ninety Six, and 
to the hands of one of Geiger's clients, Robert Goudey. The Congaree 
store continued in existence and at one time or another there were several 
others.^'* 

^ JCHA, May 25, 1749, Feb. 9, 1750, Feb. 9, Mar. 6, 1751, Mar. 10, 1752, Feb. 8, 
27, 1754; Stats., IX, 176-177; JUHA, Feb. 8, 1751, Mar. 9, 1752. 

^^ P, V, 155; the line marks show that James Myrick's land (see John Aberly's 
plat, P, IV, 431) was E. Baker's survey (P, IV, 270) ; JCHA, Nov. 16, 1756, Mar. 
15, 1757; Stats., IX, 214-215, Mouzon, Map of S. C. 

^^ Court Records, Charleston, Common Pleas, Feb. 1754 (Wright and Hume, 
surviving Steill) ; there was a Robert Steale in the Yamasee country in 1711 (A. S. 
Salley, Jr., Journal of the Commissioners of the Indian Trade . . . 1710 . . . 1715 
(Columbia, 1926), p. 13; JC, Jan. 19, 1749, May 16, 1750. Steill died in 1753 (PR, 
XXV, 354 — Glen to Board, Oct. 25, 1753). 

33 See above, p. 55; JC, Nov. 16, 1738, June 4, July 18, 1748, Jan. 6, July 4, 
1749, Mar. 23, May 7, 1751; JCHA, June 28, 1748, May 22, 1749. 

3*JC, Mar. 17, 1752; SCG, Sept. 16, 1751 (advt. of Elizabeth Geiger); In- 
ventories, 1751-1753, pp. 107-109. Compare this inventory with that of William 
Strother of the Congarees who likewise died in 1751: 18 negroes, 22 head of cattle, 
54 head of hogs, 4 beds and their "furniture," each bed exclusive of bedstead being 
worth five pounds, a dozen pewter soup plates, a coflFee mill, a linen and a woolen 
wheel, 2 flax hackles, 5 old books, and 4 bee hives. The total value of the per- 
sonal property was nearly seven hundred pounds {ibid., pp. 40-42). 

3^ See above, p. 56, below p. 132; the commander of the Congaree fort also had 
a store (JCHA, May 8, 1749, Jan. 27, 1750). 



64 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Haig's murder in 1748 and other Indian outrages caused the assembly 
to provide for a palisade fort at the Congarees and for two troops of 
rangers to patrol the frontier during the immediate danger. John Fair- 
child was given command of one of these troops, and in this capacity or 
for some other reason was marked out like Haig for the special vengeance 
of the Iroquois; during one long moment, while he sat in a house at Saluda 
Old Town, two of them looked into his face while their fellows sur- 
rounded the house. The dim firelight and the stout lying of his friends 
barely saved him this time, as did the fleetness of his horse in another 
crisis.^^ The fort at the Congarees was completed near the end of 1748 
and a garrison was maintained there for several years. One of the com- 
manders, Lieutenant Peter Mercier, married Elizabeth Haig, and by his 
death in 1754 in the battle of Great Meadows in Virginia she was left 
again to care for her fortunes. In the next five years, while she continued 
to gather up small cash from sales of petty supplies or entertainment of 
Indians, nearly nine hundred acres of land were surveyed in her name.^^ 

The spiritual state of this crossroads of inland South Carolina doubt- 
less continued to be none of the best, and it was difficult to better the 
situation because of the hopeless divisions in the community. The German 
and English elements tended to remain separate, and each of these was di- 
vided — the Germans into Lutheran and Reformed, the English into Baptist 
and Anglican. The Reverend John Giessendanner visited the Congarees 
occasionally if not regularly and doubtless preached to the settlers when he 
baptized their children. The services were usually held in Mrs. Haig's 
house.^^ 

In 1756 an act was passed allowing thirty pounds a year to a minister 
who should hold services in the Congarees "and six times a year at least, at 
the most populous places within forty miles of the same." For a time this 
service was rendered by Abraham Imer, recently rector of Purrysburg, 
who died at the Congarees in 1766. Theus continued his ministry to the 
Reformed congregation, and there was also another German church at 
Crims Creek on Broad River.^® The visits of the Reverend Philip Mulkey 

3^JC, Mar. 29, Apr. 21, 1748, May 18, 1750, May 13, 1751, JCHA Apr. 8, 1748. 

3^0, May 20, July 20, 1748, Feb. 8, 1749, May 9, 1751; Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 
6, V, 1-4; Salley, Orangeburg, p. 140, below, p. 208, n. 79; JCHA, Mav 12, 1758, 
Stats., IV, 121 ; P, VI, 325, 394, 407. Mrs. Mercier later married David Webb of 
the Congarees, who had been a lieutenant of rangers in the Cherokee War (SCG, 
July 5, 1760, Oct. 8, 1763 — advt. of Millicent Lang, Mesne Conveyances, 30, 12-18). 

38 Salley, Orangeburg, pp. 122, 123, 140, 149-150, 159-160, 163. The Lutheran 
pastors of Ebenezer described the Congaree settlers, at the time when the Re- 
formed Church was dominant there, as "a vile mixture of bad men" (Voigt, Ger- 
man Element, pp. 35-36). 

f^JUHA, Jan. 23, 1756; Stats., IV, 20-21; SCGCJ, Sept. 9, 1766; Dalcho, 
Episcopal Church, p. 386; Library of Congress Transcripts of Fulham MSS, N. C, 
S. C, and Ga., No. 72, p. 44; below, p. 155. Imer's personal property advertised 
later included four negroes, a riding chair, and some "valuable Books" (SCGCJ, 
Dec. 23, 1766). 



The Western Townships 65 

of Fairforest Creek led to the forming of the Congaree Baptist Church 
in 1766, with John Pearson, Isaac Raiford and about thirty others, chiefly 
late arrivals in the community, as the first members. The church was 
built in the same year on land given by William Howell, apparently part of 
the mill tract he acquired from William Hay.^ 

Diverse and discordant as were these Congaree groups, they had by 
1759 developed a settled society that was no discredit to the province, and 
were effectively exploiting the limited agricultural resources and the com- 
mercial possibilities of the upper Congaree. In the township defense sys- 
tem the settlement was a conspicuous success; the chief passage from the 
hill and mountain country to the coastal plain was now completely blocked 
by an independent and resourceful population. The credit for establish- 
ing this outpost was due in part to the provincial government, but even 
more to an unusual group of frontiersmen, both English and Swiss. 

^Townsend, S. C. Baptists, pp. 142-143. For the location of the church see 
ibid., Mesne Conveyances, 3Q, 346, 3S, 70; P, XIX, 192 (path to meeting house, 
John Pittman's plat, which was near Back Swamp). 



CHAPTER VI 

New Windsor and the Salkehatchie Forks 

Fort Moore, like the site of the old Congaree garrison, was better 
situated for defense than for a center of township settlement. On the 
eastern side of the Savannah, for six miles below the shoals, great ridges, 
little better than the sand hills bej'ond them, lay parallel with or facing the 
river and left small space for river bottom or good upland. The southern- 
most of these ridges ended in a bluff that dropped a sheer hundred feet to 
the river bank, and from this height Fort Moore commanded, at the same 
time that it was protected from, the great western trading path that ap- 
proached the opposite bank.^ 

In the wider bottom of swamp and lowland below the fort and on the 
slopes of the higher land lay the restricted agricultural possibilities of the 
neighborhood. Greater promise for a town was offered by the other side 
of the river where there was more good land and where traders could es- 
tablish storehouses and save the expense of transportation across the river. 
But few thought of this in 1735, and even though the Georgia town of 
Augusta was founded the same year, most of the traders clung to the 
safer east bank and to their old trading post, which continued to be called 
Savannah Town. 

Sebastian Zouberbuhler of Appenzell, Switzerland, came to South 
Carolina in November 1734, commissioned by the Protestants of his canton 
to find them a place for settlement. The next six months he spent in 
viewing the proposed township sites and in conference with the lieutenant- 
governor and council. In July he signed a contract to bring over a hundred 
families to settle within eighteen months in the township at Fort Moore, 
the province supplying the settlers with food, tools and cattle, and furnish- 
ing lands free of all surveying charges and other fees. Two hundred more 
families were to be brought over "with all convenient speed". No reward 
for Zouberbuhler was stipulated, but he evidently hoped for money from 
the township fund and expected a grant of land from the crown.^ 

About fifty Swiss families, numbering a hundred and ninety-two per- 

^ Bartram says {Travels, p. 313) that by 1776 the river had eaten away the 
site of the fort, and in view of present-day shifts of the current this may well be so. 

2 PR, XVIII, 111-117 (Board of Trade Journal, Feb. 8, Mar. 15, Apr. 29, May 
3, 5, 1737), 174-177 (Zouberbuhler's petition, received by Board Feb. 7, 1737) ; JC, 
June 27, 1735, Apr. 2, Dec. 15, 16, 1743. He was allowed 16,000 acres but does 
not seem to have had it surveyed. 

66 



The Western Townships 67 

sons, came to South Carolina under this agreement. They set out in Au- 
gust 1736, under the leadership of the Reverend Bartholomew Zouber- 
buhler, the father of Sebastian, and Johannes Tobler, former governor of 
Appenzell. Tobler and half or more of the immigrants were of the 
moderate party in Appenzell, and as a result of a recent defeat Tobler had 
lost his position. The Rotterdam magistrates were unwilling to allow them 
to depart in an English vessel and held them six weeks, so that they did not 
arrive in Charleston until the first of February, 1737. Tobler led a party 
of twenty-five by the direct path to Fort Moore, finding a grasping "inn- 
keeper" half-way the distance, but the rest of the settlers went by boat. It 
was April before these started on their way; the journey to Fort Moore 
consumed an additional six weeks, and in the hot season succeeding many 
became sick and forty died.^ 

New Windsor Township was marked to extend from the mouth of 
Town Creek to a point about seven miles above Fort Moore. The "town" 
was laid out with the fort in its northwestern corner and most of the plats 
lay between it and Silver Bluff, about ten miles farther down. In 1737 
and 1738 the names appear of twenty-two Germans who had land sur- 
veyed in the township.'* Probably a number of the Switzers came over as 
the servants of Zouberbuhler and Tobler and were therefore allowed no 
land at this time. 

Between 1732 and 1738 twenty-six persons of non-German name had 
lands surveyed in the township area. Ten of them were concerned in the 
Indian trade and there were others with the same surnames as the traders.^ 
The population of the township in 1738 was perhaps three hundred. Few 
names were added to the list between that time and 1760, and the removal 
of the stores to Augusta after 1740 probably kept the population nearly 
stationary. Three of the later applicants for land also had Indian trade 
interests. John Dick, whose name suggests that he was from Williams- 
burg, settled in New Windsor about 1742, and ten years later applied for 
a warrant on Town Creek, which "is Convenient for his Trade of Tan- 

2 PR, XVIII, 176-177 (above, n. 2), 232-233 (Bartholomew Zouberbuhler, Apr. 
9, 1737, received by Board, Apr. 12, 1738) ; Voigt, MS notes (citing letter of 
Archivist of Zurich), and German Element, pp. 31-33, 47; JC, Mar. 31, 
1737; SCG, Feb. 5, 1737; "John Tobler Manuscripts", edited by C. G. Cordle, 
Journal of Southern History, February, 1939, pp. 83-97. 

*JCHA, Sept. 20, 1733, Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C, Faden, Map of S. C, 
Haig, Map of the Cherokee Country, DeBrahra, Map of S. C, P, II, 493, XXA, 
458; see "New Windsor" in index to Plats. No plat of the township has been 
found. 

^ See JC, Mar. 31, 1737, Mereness, Travels, p. 222. Compare the following 
names in Plats index and in SCG advertisements: Summers (Mar. 26, 1737), 
O'Brien and Roche (Nov. 5, 1737), Vaughan (Nov. 9, 1738), Smith (June 23, 
1739), Motte and McGillivray (Aug. 25, 1739), and note mention of Duche in 
letter to editor, July 25, 1748. See also surveys for Campbell and Brown, who 
were concerned in the trade (below, pp. 69, 70). 



68 The Expansion of South Carolina 

ning." On this stream at the crossing of the path from Fort Moore to 
Charleston, "a publick house was kept by one Sullivan." ® 

The rank and file of the Switzers, quietly devoting themselves to their 
lands, almost disappear from the records of early New Windsor. In a 
township of limited agricultural possibilities farming offered scant oppor- 
tunity for achieving wealth or notoriety. On their first arrival Tobler 
and his own group had planned a harmonious community, which should 
admit newcomers only on approval of the majority, but the elements of 
population in the Savannah Town settlement made this hope as futile as 
their expectation of large accessions of their countrymen.^ 

A tract of six hundred and fifty acres was surveyed for John Tobler — 
"Landschampton Tobler" he was sometimes called in recognition of his 
former title of Landeshauptman — in a great bend of the river even then 
called "Beach" or Beech Island.^ Here a short distance from the edge of 
the swamp Tobler built his house, and adjoining his land surveys were 
later made for John Tobler, Junior, and Dr. John Jacob Sturzennegger. 
When Tobler established his store does not appear, but from 1744 to 1765 
there are occasional references to it, chiefly in connection with the Indian 
trade. Apparently his son William was in charge of it at the beginning, but 
later another son, Ulric, who was also a deputy surveyor and justice of the 
peace, was partner. At the father's death the debts due the store amounted 
to nearly twelve hundred pounds.^ 

John Tobler announced in the South Carolina Gazette in 1744 that he 
had invented a machine for cleaning rice, which with the labor of three 
negroes would clean three barrels a day. The invention is not mentioned 
again but in another enterprise the versatile Switzer met with more suc- 
cess. In the Gazette of December 18, 1749, the printer announced that 
on the 23d he would publish an almanac for the year 1750 "calculated for 
this Province by John Tobler, a Philomath of New Windsor." The first 
reference to actual publication, however, was the announcement in De- 
cember 1751 of Tobler's almanac for 1752 which contained "the Luna- 

^ David Douglas — moved from New Windsor to Augusta (JC, Apr. 11, 1746, 
SCG, Aug. 17, 1747, his advt.), John McQueen, Charleston merchant, with heavy in- 
vestments in Indian Trade (JC, Sept. 18, 1755, Aug. 13, 1759), Daniel Clark, 
former associate of Patrick Brown {SCG, Aug. 28, 1755, his advt.) ; the three 
plats were surveyed in 1757 a short distance above Horse Creek (P, VI, 356-357, 
363), evidently from land of the former Chickasaw reservation (below, p. 71). 
For Dick see PR, XXI, 99 (Signatures to Williamsburg petition, see below, p. 81), 
JC, Dec. 8, 1752; for Sullivan see Indian Books, III, 116 (below, p. 205, n. 70). 

^ "Tobler Manuscripts", pp. 85-86. 

« JC, Mar. 1, May 24, 1744, P, VII, 278, Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C, makes 
an island of the east bank from Fort Moore nearly to Silver BluflF. The name 
evidently came from the number of "beach" trees in the area. There are eleven in 
the lines of a nearby plat (P, V, 285). 

*P, VI, 90, VII, 278; JC, Mar. 1, 1744; Indian Books, VI, 14-15, 123; SCG, 
May 12, 1759, June 8, 1765 (advts. of Ulric Tobler and Sturzennegger) ; Inven- 
tories, 1763-1767, pp. 265-267. 



The Western Townships 69 

ti'ons and Eclipses," advice about bleeding, "some diverting epigrams," a 
garden calendar by a lady of the province, and a description of the roads in 
the southern colonies. With the possible exception of three years The 
South-Carolina Almanack, with Tobler's calculations, was published yearly 
until his death in 1765, after which his son John seems to have continued 
the work, with some interruptions, until 1790. When the elder John 
Tobler died he left eighty-three pounds cash, nearly two thousand pounds 
due him in bonds and mortgages, two negroes, two pictures valued at 
twenty-five shillings, a "Chamber Organ", a flute, a clock and a number of 
German books valued at twenty-one pounds.^" 

The Indian trade determined the ups and downs of New Windsor's 
turbulent economic and social life. The traders were most of the time in 
the Indian country, but returned regularly to Savannah Town or Augusta, 
while the storekeepers or caretakers were residents throughout the year. 
Of the principal traders by far the most important was Patrick Brown, 
formerly of the Congarees, who in 1741 entered the western trading firm 
of Archibald McGillivray and Company. With the retirement of Mc- 
Gillivray and Wood, Brown became the most important trader in either 
province. He had land in New Windsor, but if he lived there at all it was 
for a short time, and in 1743 he was in Augusta where he maintained his 
store. In 1748 he was granted by the Georgia government five hundred 
acres thirty miles below Augusta on his promise to carry on there "a large 
Indigo Work." At his death in 1755 he was head of the firms of Brown, 
Rae and Company and Patrick Brown and Company, besides doing business 
in his own name. He had through these firms a near monopoly of the 
western trade, which through him went to Charleston. Unlike the other 
chief traders he had little interest in imperial schemes, or perhaps thought 
that the empire was best served by ceaseless application to business, peace 
with the Indians, and abstention from colonial politics." 

One of Brown's associates was George Galphin, who appears in the 
Creek trade in 1744. In 1747 it was stated that he had bought four hun- 
dred acres, surveyed in 1737, from the McGillivray company. The tract 
lay immediately south of Town Creek and so included part of Silver BlufiE, 
where he established his home. He was granted two thousand acres by the 

^^Ibid.; SCG. Apr. 30, 1744; JC, Apr. 18, 1744; JCHA, Dec. 15, 1743. Notice 
of Tobler's death is found in Urlsperger, Nachrichten, VII, pt. 4, 35. His daughter 
married John Joachim Zubly {ibid., p. 135). See list of Tobler almanacs in 
SCHGM, XV, 73-81; those for 1756, 1757 and 1758 were printed by Christopher 
Sower in Germantown, Pennsylvania, who also printed a Tobler Pennsylvania 
Almanack — see Charles Evans, American Bibliography, III (Chicago, 1905), 
p. 242; in addition they are advertised as published or forthcoming, for the years 
1754, 1759, 1761, 1762, 1763, 1767 (SCG, Oct. 29, 1753, Mar. 17, 1759, Dec. 23, 
1760, Jan. 16, 1762, Nov. 20, 1762, SCAGG, Nov. 28, 1766). 

11 Adair, American Indians, p. 325; JCHA, Apr. 30, 1740, Jan. 19, 25, 1742; 
SCG, Aug. 29, Sept. 26, 1741, July 9. 1744, Aug. 28, 1755 (advt. of Daniel Clark), 
Apr. 28, 1757 (advt. of William Pinckney) ; Col. Recs. of Ga., VI, 225; Henry 
Laurens, Letter Books, MS, July 4, 1755. 



70 The Expansion of South Carolina 

South Carolina government, and in receiving other grants from Georgia he 
declared in 1757 that he had forty negroes. From 1750 to the Revolution 
Silver Bluff was a place of some note; Henry Laurens wrote Galphin in 
1770 thanking him "very heartily for your politeness & civilities when I 
was lately at your Hospitable Castle".^^ Several other traders had planta- 
tions or cowpens near Fort Moore. On Alexander Wood's death in 1757 
his executor advertised for sale at Point Comfort, at the mouth of Upper 
Three Runs below Silver Bluff, three hundred horses, six hundred head of 
cattle and a stock of hogs. Ten negro and Indian slaves were part of the 
estate.^^ 

Most of the Indian trading stores were moved to Augusta during the 
'forties, but in 1749 Jeremiah Knott still describes himself as storekeeper of 
New Windsor. Isaac Motte, a sometime trader, lived there until his 
death about 1753. The store of Samuel and George Eveleigh, the most 
noted of the Charleston firms interested in the trade, was early in 1741 in 
charge of Martin Campbell, but in 1744 was kept by John Fallowfield, at 
that time justice of the peace. At his death in 1751 Fallowfield had a store 
here in his own name, and his personal property included decanters, drink- 
ing glasses, plates, a teakettle, two teapots, a spit, a chocolate pot, a coffee 
mill, three brass candlesticks, eight chairs, three tables, a bureau, a writing 
desk, a couch and mattress, a featherbed, bolster and pillows, a hat and 
wig, a black coat, a pair of black plush breeches, a fustian coat and pair of 
breeches and a large looking glass. He had two negroes, fourteen goats, 
and six sheep. The goods in the store and his personal property together 
amounted to two hundred pounds.^* 

In their own persons as well as through their trade the Indians were a 
potent influence on New Windsor and Augusta. They were constantly 
passing on their way to Charleston to see the governor and the town and to 
receive presents. Furthermore, as early as 1725 there were a number of 
Chickasaws, a rather disorderly group of wanderers from the distant tribe, 
living near Fort Moore. About 1738, when settlement of whites in New 
Windsor practically ceased, the provincial government invited the entire 
Chickasaw nation, for the sake of mutual protection, to move to its borders. 
Most of them refused the offer, declaring "their Resolution to maintain 
themselves on that Spot of Ground, where their fore Fathers had kindled 
their Fires & laid their Bones for so many Generations." However, there 

^See JC, Jan. 20, 1744, Nov. 11, 1747, Nov. 10, 1761, June 21, 1765; Indian 
Books, II, 2, P, IV, 347; Laurens, Letter Books, Jan. 2, 1770. The company re- 
ferred to in Col. Recs. of Ga., VI, 333 is evidently Brown's organization; see also 
ibid., pp. 3 31, 673. 

^^SCG, Apr. 28, 1757 (advt. of William Pinckney) ; P, VI, 156, Mouzon, Map 
of N. and S. C; see also SCG, June 7, 1740, Feb. 5, 1741 (John Craig), JC, Oct. 8, 
1742, JCHA, Dec. 15, 1736— deposition of McMullen (William McMullen). 

"JCHA, May 8, 1749, May 28, 1751; SCG, Aug. 6, 1753; JC, Mar. 1, Sept. 8, 
1744; Inventories, 1751-1753, pp. 469-471. On Eveleigh see Crane, Southern 
Frontier, pp. 121-122. 



The Western Townships 71 

were two groups of Chickasaws near New Windsor in 1748 — one body of 
twenty men with their families within three miles of the fort, and seventy 
more under their chief the Squirrel King ten miles away on Horse Creek. 
A tract of 21,774 acres was surveyed and reserved for them. These Indian 
settlers were often a nuisance, sometimes a real danger to their white 
neighbors — "pilfering thieving dogs" George Haig called them, but Haig 
was a Catawba trader, and the Squirrel declared "that his People do not 
quarrel with the white People but when they are Drunk." ^' 

In 1742 the Squirrel and his warriors, under the command of Captain 
William Gray, aided in the repulse of a Spanish attack on Frederica, the 
southern outpost of Georgia — and according to one of their champions, 
they saved the day. Lieutenant-Governor Bull ordered the commander of 
Fort Moore to hoist the colors and entertain them royally whenever they 
came to the fort, and the Commons House remembered the old chief long 
and gratefully. Governor Glen gave them little countenance, however, 
and about 1755 they moved for a time to a place a few miles below Augusta, 
called New Savannah. They later returned to South Carolina. William 
Gray was formerly a Creek trader, but about 1740 settled near Fort Moore 
where he stayed for fifteen years, apparently engaged in planting.^® 

Fort Moore was maintained by the province until the Cherokee War, 
the garrison ranging from ten to about twenty-five men. The most in- 
teresting of its commanders was Daniel Pepper whose service extended 
from 1737 to 1745. The conduct of the New Windsor settlers un- 
doubtedly left much to be desired — the situation being in no way improved 
by a tacit exemption from prosecution for debt — and with more zeal than 
discretion Pepper used his commission as justice of the peace to attempt a 
reform of the community. Seizure of traders who had failed to pay their 
Charleston debts caused an exodus to Augusta, whereon the indignant re- 
mainder, among them Martin Campbell, Jeremiah Knott, and William 
Tobler, planned Pepper's undoing. With Campbell presiding over a two 
gallon bowl of punch several affidavits were secured, which were later 
repudiated by the repentant signers, one of whom sagely observed "When 
the liquor is in, the wit is out." But to other charges — that he had 
slandered Robert Vaughan's wife and put him in the stocks for resenting 
it, and without trial had another woman ducked "so often that her life 
was in danger" — the captain could only say that he himself was drunk 
when he put Vaughan in the stocks, and that the victim of the ducking was 

^•^Mereness, Travels, pp. 168-172; JC, May 14, 1731, Mar. 27, 1746, Mar. 29, 
1748; JCHA, Mar. 26, 1743, May 21, 1747, Mar. 27, 1765; JUHA, Jan. 26, 1739. 
See Crane, Southern Frontier, p. 273, Col. Recs. of Ga., IV, 47, Adair, American 
Indians, p. 224. 

^"Indian Books, VI, 17; below, p. 189; Jones, History of Ga. I, 357; JCHA, 
May 21, 1747, June 8, 1748, May 16, 1755 (tax estimate). Mar. 27, 1765; JC, Apr. 
27, 1748, July 12, 1751; PR, XIX, 126 (Deposition of John and William Gray, 
Jan. 16, 1727, enclosed by Bull to Board May 25, 1738). 



72 The Expansio7i of South Carolina 

a woman of ill fame. Pepper was deprived of his commission as magistrate 
but he was complimented for his record as commander and for his arrest of 
the delinquent debtors/^ 

Others beside Pepper tried to reform New Windsor, although by some- 
what different methods. The rector of St. Bartholomew's paid a visit to 
Savannah Town and preached before the arrival of the Swiss. He baptized 
ten children, five of them being of Indian mothers. John Tobler himself 
used to read aloud to his Swiss neighbors extracts from German sermons; 
in asking his friend, one of the Ebenezer pastors, for other books of sermons 
he stipulated that they be not too short. He and several other Switzers 
earnestly begged the provincial government for a school and pastor in the 
hope not only of putting a stop to the ungodliness prevalent in the town- 
ship, but also of encouraging the settlement of foreign Protestants. The 
subject was doubtless very near the heart of the former governor, for John 
Tobler, Junior, though he had the education requisite for carrying on his 
father's almanac, was in 1762 deprived of his commission as justice of the 
peace because of his irregular course of life. Between 1751 and 1753 the 
missionary at Augusta of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 
preached nine sermons in the township, and on petition of the inhabitants 
the assembly provided for monthly sermons by him at about thirty shillings 
apiece. In 1766 it was reported that he had done so for several years "very 
much to the Edification and Improvement" of the people.^^ 

A New Windsor petition in 1754, regarding the ferry over the Savan- 
nah River, was signed by about fifty-five persons. The militia company 
two years later consisted of sixty-six men, and there were listed with them 
thirty-nine male slaves from sixteen to sixty.^^ This company, however, 
included others beside settlers of the township, and it is improbable that the 
white population was over three hundred. New Windsor was thus the 
most thinly settled of the townships, and though it had several leaders of 
some distinction, it was not strong enough to play a great part in either the 
defense or the development of the frontier. Its backwardness, however, 
was due to conditions beyond the control of the government. Despite its 
weakness in white settlers, it was able to give substantial assistance to the 
two forts and to the Chickasaws in defense of the western entrance to the 
province. 

I'JCHA, Apr. 25, 1735, Mar. 26, 30, 31, 1743, May 2, 15, 16, 1745; JC, Oct. 5, 
1737, Mar. 1, 1744, July 30, 1745. Pepper came from Dorchester, and retired, at 
the end of his service, to James Island {SCG, Sept. 7, 1734, JCHA, Dec. 14, 1747). 
He maintained a store at the fort, a cowpen on Horse Creek, and a ferry over the 
river (JC, Mar. 1, 1744). The petition refers to an act granting immunity to 
debtors — probably the one of 1721 (see above, p. 11). 

^® Dalcho, Episcopal Church, p. 368; Samuel Urlsperger, Nachrichten {Ameri- 
canischcs Ackeriverk Gottes, 4 parts, Augsburg, 1754-1767), pt. 2, 317, pt. 4, 135; 
JC, Nov. 29, 1744, Jan. 21, 1745, May 23, 1760, Dec. 28, 1762; JCHA, Feb. 1, 1754, 
Mar. 6, 1766. 

^MUHA, Feb. 6, 1754, JCHA, Feb. 8, 1754, JC, May 4, 1757. 



The Western Townships 73 

In 1729 the southwest was the weakest point in the South Carolina 
line of defense, and at that time the assembly was maintaining for its 
protection the fort at the Pallachuccolas and a troop of rangers with head- 
quarters on the Salkehatchie.^° Conditions here encouraged the growth of 
plantations on the coast, but hindered settlement in the interior. Up the 
Combahee and Savannah Rivers and the waters of Port Royal Sound the 
tides run for thirty miles, and these streams with their numerous tidal 
creeks and inlets and the inland passage to Charleston afforded unusually 
easy transportation. In the thousand small fresh-water swamps draining 
into these waterways was a large area for the cultivation of rice. The land 
and slave boom of the 'thirties perhaps reached its height here. 

Beyond the tides, however, the swamps contract and as far as Kings 
Creek, forty miles above, the land becomes typical of the lower pine belt, 
with stretches of fine compact sand — so level that only extensive ditching 
could make it profitable for crops — alternating with soil somewhat looser 
in structure, better drained and much more desirable. The land rush over- 
flowed into this region and before 1740 fifty thousand acres had been taken 
up, chiefly on the Savannah about the Pallachuccolas, where was surveyed 
a tract of twelve thousand acres for Purry, and on the forks of the Sal- 
kehatchie, on the eastern branch of which a similar survey was made. 
From point to point up the Savannah were smaller tracts: Arthur Mid- 
dleton had two thousand acres laid off at the mouth of Kings Creek ; there 
was another of eight hundred acres at the mouth of Briar Creek; and a 
third, a thousand acres in area, at the mouth of the Lower or Old Three 
Runs."^ 

The presence of a hundred or two Uchees in this section added little to 
its attractions, although they, like the New Windsor Chickasaws, were 
often useful. Most of the tribe lived a few miles below Silver Bluff, but 
they roamed the entire area west of the Salkehatchie. As late as 1737 there 
were some Creeks about the Pallachuccolas and Kings Creek, who like the 
other settlement Indians were called upon in emergency. But in 1732 a 
planter complained "that some Creek Indians who for some years have re- 
sided in the Settlements, had been at his Cowpen & drove away his over- 
seer and Slaves Robed his House destroyed his Corn and broke down his 
Fences, & committed many Insolencies." ^" An order was given for the 
pursuit and destruction of these Indians, but they probably escaped severe 
punishment. These depredations were hardly as alarming to the settlers as 

-'^ Stats., Ill, 213, 244, 263, 335, JCHA, Mar. 9, 29, Apr. 4, 5, 1734. The Pal- 
lachuccola fort appears on a plat (P, I, 196). 

^^ Bureau of Soils, Hampton; plat for John Roberts (state archives) ; P, I, be- 
tween pp. 318 and 319, II, 392, 437, 439. 

22 On the Uchees, see JUHA, Mar. 19, 1737; JC, Apr. 14, 1743, June 15, 1751, 
Apr. 4, 1761; SCG, Oct. 28, 1732, Oct. 2, 1749 (advt. of Hugh Bryan) ; Mereness, 
Travels, pp. 218, 222. For the Creeks, see JUHA, Mar. 19, 1737, July 2, 1744; 
JC, Aug. 30, 1732. 



74 The Expansion of South Carolina 

the attacks made upon the Indians themselves by their own enemies. As 
late as 1751 a party of northern Indians traversed the region quite to the 
coast and there slew or captured five Uchees. About this time at 
Silver Bluff the Uchees lost thirty-five of their women and children in the 
same manner, but turned the tables on the invaders and killed nearly all 
of them. Most of these settlement Indians went to the Creeks about 1750, 
and by 1761 the rest of them appear to have followed.^^ 

After 1740 large grants in this region ceased for a time. During the 
next twenty years a score of men of English name had warrants or surveys 
here for tracts of five hundred acres or less, chiefly on the Salkehatchie. 
One of these plats, in the fork of the river, shows "Indigo vats" near a 
house. An advertisement of a larger holding in 1760 gives an unusually 
complete description of an indigo plantation. It consisted of one thousand 
acres on Buckhead Swamp, a branch of the east fork of the Salkehatchie; 
one hundred acres of the higher land had been planted with indigo in 1758 
and fifty more the next year — all of it under good fence; more than one- 
third of the tract was good swamp for rice, a hundred acres having been 
cleared ; there were "eleven setts of wedged indico vats", together with a 
large quantity of rice, corn feed and some hogs. The plantation had been 
in the hands of an overseer."* 

The northern half of this district lay in the upper pine belt, the swamps 
becoming smaller as the sand hills near New Windsor were approached, 
the sand becoming less compact, and the soil usually better drained. Here 
about twenty small landholders settled by 1760, most of them on the Upper 
Three Runs or on Steel Creek, but several were on the Lower Three 
Runs.^^ Farther down, on the headwaters of the Coosawhatchie, in a 
slightly rolling section which is in effect an extension of the upper pine belt, 
a small group made their homes. Thomas Barker in 1755 had a plat 
surveyed on Jacksons Branch, which drained into the Salkehatchie; part of 
his land was the site of Jackson's "Old Cowpen". John Townsend Dade, 
who in 1748 was a settler in the Welsh Tract, in 1758 had a hundred and 
fifty acres surveyed on Duck Branch, a tributary of the Coosawhatchie. 
Dade and his wife were among the first members of the Coosawhatchie 
Baptist Church organized here in 1759 — the first Baptist church to be es- 
tablished beyond the tidewater after those of the Peedee and Lynches 

2^JCHA, May 27, 1742; JC, May 26, 1742, May 7, June 15, July 2, 1751, Apr. 
4, 1761; JUHA, June 6, 1747; Adair, American Indians, p. 346. 

2*JC, July 4, Sept. 6, 1749, July 3, Aug. 7, 1753, Oct. 21, 1755, Aug. 23, Oct. 5, 
1756, Jan. 4, Sept. 6, 1757, Aug. 1, Oct. 5, Nov. 7, Dec. 5, 1758, Jan. 2, Feb. 6, 
1759; P, V, 137. The advertisement was that of John Lining {SCG, Mar. 15, 
1760). 

^^ Bureau of Soils, Barnwell, Bamberg and Hampton; for the upper settle- 
ments see P, VI, 231, 359, VII, 133, 176, 182; for the others see P, VI, 294, 296, 
304, 305. 



The Western Townships 75 

River. The minister of this church was James Smart who first appears in 
the province on Lynches River. Four years after the organization of the 
church he had a plat surveyed on Beech Branch of Coosawhatchie. Henry 
Smart had land surveyed adjoining that of James and probably came with 
him. These and other names among the nineteen original members of the 
church show that it was largely an offshoot of the distant Welsh Neck 
Church.2« 

In the entire region, from the Forks to the Upper Three Runs, cattle 
raising was evidently an important business until the Revolution. Lazarus 
Brown in 1758 became owner of three hundred and fifty acres on the 
Lower Three Runs from which he advertised in 1765 a thousand head of 
cattle. Brown was reputed to be the tallest man in the province — nearly 
seven feet. He was killed by one of his slaves who was tried and according 
to sentence burned alive. Robert Oswald in 1761 advertised for sale three 
thousand acres on the Coosawhatchie, including good corn, rice and indigo 
land and six hundred cattle. In 1768 a stock of two thousand head was 
advertised, part being in the fork and part on Buckhead Swamp, "being as 
good a range for cattle as any in the southern parts of the province, having 
a large cane swamp between them for a winter's range, and a most extensive 
and plentiful summer's range." And in 1771 there was offered a third of 
a stock of cattle and horses "ranging on Coosawhatchie, reckoned one of 
the largest Stocks and as good Cattle as any in this Province." ^^ 

The continued weakness of the southwest was the chief factor in the 
effort of the Commons in the 'forties to work out a plan of settlement for 
the parishes, and in 1749 the governor and council reserved the vacant lands 
in a six-mile strip along the Savannah from Purrysburg to New Windsor 
for persons who would settle upon them. The reservation amounted to no 
more than did the parish settlement plans, but the renewed immigration of 
the foreign Protestants a few years later provided a partial solution of the 
problem. For lack of sufficient vacant lands near the tidewater the Ger- 
mans were evidently directed to the upper part of the Salkehatchie forks, 
and there between 1753 and 1759 at least sixty surveys were made, amount- 
ing to over eleven thousand acres. The great majority of these were on or 
near Willow Swamp, Coltsons Branch or the forks of the Salkehatchie 
nearby. Forty or fifty miles from tidewater, they were on the edge of the 
upper pine belt, and had good land for the compact settlements for which 
the Germans in other parts of the province had shown so marked a pref- 

26 JC, Mar, 8, 1748, Mar. 4, 1755, P, VI, 252, XI, 411; Barker was probably 
from St. George Dorchester (JCHA, Mar. 16, 1756). See below, p. 145, P, VIII, 
249, Townsend, S. C. Baptists, pp. 47^8. The church has long been known as 
Beech Branch Baptist Church. 

2'P, VI, 296; see advertisements, SCG, June 25, 1750, Aug. 29, 1761, May 4, 
1765, July 2, 1772, SCGCJ, Jan. 9, 1770, July 30, 1772, SCAGG, July IS, 1768, 
May 27, 1771. 



76 The Expansion of South Carolina 

erence.^^ Additional Germans, a score or more in number, settled in other 
parts of this district, on the Upper and Lower Three Runs and elsewhere, 
often quite apart from their countrymen.^ 

Partly by the efforts of the provincial government, partly by the normal 
spread of settlement, the southwest had been settled, although by reason 
of the swamps which nearly surrounded the Germans in the Salkehatchie 
and the thinness of settlement everywhere else, the inhabitants lived in com- 
parative isolation. The militia returns of 1757 listed no company between 
the head of tidewater and New Windsor, but at that time a company was 
formed for the Salkehatchie forks in order to include the Germans/*' 
The total population could hardly have been six hundred, over half of it 
German. 

28 Above, p. 28, JC, Oct. 3, 4, 1749; see the surveys, P, V, 315-329, 349, VI, 
32, 163, 174-175, 178, 202, 319, 324, 377, 380, 392, VII, 62, 75, 94, 198-201, 297, 
and note the names adjoining these plats. Among the settlers were Henry Ulmer 
and Conrad Preacher (V, 324, 328). 

2'' See P, VI, 109, 136, 164, 179, 200, 256, 257, 260, 264, 268, 270, 273, 276, VII, 
61, 78, 82, 100 and plats adjoining these. 

^'^JC, May 4, 23, 1757. Note the road petitions from the Salkehatchie and 
Coosawhatchie settlers in 1764 and 1765; the latter built ten miles of road on their 
own initiative (JCHA, July 31, Aug. 7, 1764, Jan. 24, Mar. 12, 26, 29, July 19, 
1765, Stats., IX, 206-207). 



THE SETTLEMENT OF THE MIDDLE 
COUNTRY— THE EASTERN TOWNSHIPS 




Ma p -^ 



CHAPTER VII 

Williamsburg and Kingston 

The region north of the Santee, cut off by the river from Charleston 
and without an inland water passage to the south, in 1729 was settled only 
in its southern tip and was faced by neither slave nor Indian menace. The 
attention of the framers of the township plan had been fixed upon the 
southwest and upon the Protestant immigrants from the continent who 
were to defend it; when groups of Scotch-Irish settlers began to arrive and 
to claim the bounty they were, without much ado and perhaps by their own 
choice, assigned to the northeastern frontier. 

On October 27, 1732, a ship arrived from Belfast with eighty-five 
passengers; the "Irish" settlers imported by James Pringle and Robert Orr, 
on the advice, they said, of two members of the council, were probably 
among the number. Neither Pringle nor Orr became settlers in the town- 
ships, and seem to have been acting merely as immigration agents. Simi- 
larly the Reverend John Baxter, Presbyterian minister at Cainhoy near 
Charleston, in 1737 reported that he had brought in forty-three persons 
from Belfast.^ 

How many of the settlers thus imported went to Williamsburg, sur- 
veyed in the spring of 1732, and how much time elapsed between arrival in 
Charleston and settlement in the township does not appear. Supplies from 
the township fund were given to a group of "Irish Protestants" about the 
end of the year 1733. Several men of the Witherspoon connection — Gavin 
Witherspoon, David Wilson and William James — who are said to have 
reached the province in 1732, may have been among these settlers, and they 
were joined by others of their kin in January 1735. In 1736 a shipload 
arrived, the majority of whom went to Williamsburg. The experience of 
one of these families which came in 1734 was probably typical. They 
found the inhabitants in Charleston very kind, but were carried from 
the town to Williamsburg by sea in an open boat. It was the dead of 
winter and they suffered much from the weather and " 'the atheistical and 
blasphemous mouths of our Patroons and the other hands.' " On arrival 
at the township the settlers put up temporary huts of poles covered with 
earth, while they made a beginning of clearing and planting the land. 
There was comparatively little sickness, and although the Indians hunted 

'^SCG, Oct. 28, 1732; JCHA, Feb. 22, 28, 1733; JC, Nov. 9, 10, 1732, Jan. 17, 
May 9, 1733, Feb. 27, 1736, July 5, 1737. For Baxter see Howe, Presbyterian Church, 
I, 204, 255-256, 284-285. 

79 



80 The Expansion of South Carolina 

in the region during the spring season "in great numbers in all places like the 
Egyptian locusts," they gave no serious trouble. From the corn crop of 
1734 the settlers had five hundred bushels beyond their needs.^ 

The township selected lay on the Black River, a few miles above 
tidewater. The King's Tree on a bluff of the eastern bank was taken as 
the starting point for the survey of the town and the center of the town- 
ship. Unfortunately the reserve was not surveyed until 1736, although 
the order was given two years earlier. The 198,023 acres was typical of 
the lower pine belt, with many swamps, and large areas beside so poorly 
drained as to have been ill adapted for anything but cattle raising. There 
were likewise some stretches of coarse sand that were nearly barren, but 
much remained that was good land and the township had the advantage of 
a river that was navigable for small boats.^ 

So closely did the townships hedge in the settled area that the admin- 
istration was subjected to heavy pressure from the expanding planter 
interests, and in October 1735 the lieutenant-governor and council frankly 
threw open the townships east of the Santee to the planters by adopting a 
rule that no inhabitant of South Carolina might have a warrant in the 
townships west of that river.* The effect of this action, combined with the 
delay in surveying the Williamsburg reserve, was disastrous. In 1734 
surveys of about four thousand acres in Williamsburg can be accounted for, 
and four-fifths of the grantees were evidently settlers, but in 1735 one- 
third of the total acreage of about nineteen thousand was for persons who 
could not have intended to settle in the township. The average size of 
these tracts was nearly five hundred and fifty acres, while that of the set- 
tlers was three hundred. A fourth of the total acreage of the years 
1734-1737 can be satisfactorily identified as that of bona-fide settlers of 
Williamsburg, representing about three hundred and fifteen persons. Half 
of the land taken up was evidently for non-residents. The status of the 
remaining fourth is doubtful, but the majority of the applicants appear to 
have been inhabitants rather than outsiders. There were besides thirty- 
eight men mentioned in the years 1734 to 1759 for whom no land record 
appears, sixteen of them in a petition of 1748.^ The total population at the 
end of the settlement period was probably five hundred. 

The Williamsburg Scots evidently hoped to have the entire township 

2 PR, XVII, 339 (above, p. 55, n. 6); J. G. Wardlaw, Genealogy of the 
tVitherspoon Family (Yorkville, 1910), pp. 8-11; JC, Feb. 25, Mar. 3, Nov. 13, 
1736. 

^ Plats of Williamsburg town and township (state archives), Bennett, Soils 
of the Southern States, p. 55 and map; Bureau of Chemistry and Soils, Soil Survey 
of fVilliamsburg County . . . (Washington, 1931). The "King's Tree" was prob- 
ably a Walter's pine (see W. C. Coker and H. R. Totten, Trees of the South- 
eastern States — Chapel Hill, 193'1 — pp. 27-29), which resembles the white pine re- 
served for the crown in the grants of land. 

4 JC, Oct. 17, 1735. See also Feb. 26, 1736. 

^JUHA, May 3, 1748. 



The Eastern Townships 81 

to themselves, and to choose their lands from its whole area. Instead — as 
they declared in angry protests, first to the governor and council, then in 
1743 to the royal commissioner for inspecting land grants — the deputy 
surveyor had forced them to take consecutive tracts, while "all the good 
Lands . . . [were] taken up by Gentlemen resideing in other parts of the 
Province." They further declared that many of the "near sixty families 
who came last over" were forced to go elsewhere. While there was much 
justification for this complaint there was also some exaggeration in it, for 
there were many thousands of good acres left in the township. Further- 
more, while the surveys were concentrated about the King's Tree and 
Black River, there were many away from river and town, with frequent 
intervals between plats, which indicate that settlers had their choice of 
land. The tracts of the outsiders were similarly distributed, and because of 
their greater size often included land which was not practicable for the 
Scots. For instance, John Cleland's five hundred acres lay entirely in the 
swamp opposite the town, and Andrew Rutledge's thousand was half 
swamp.*' These outsiders were South Carolina officials, planters, Charles- 
ton lawyers, merchants and tradesmen. The lands were probably taken 
up for planting or investment rather than speculation for speedy sale, for 
only about five thousand acres of Williamsburg land was advertized for 
sale in the Gazette in the next fifteen years. 

James Aiken, a planter south of the Santee, had five hundred acres 
granted to him in 1735. When the township was surveyed and his tract 
was found to be in it, the obliging Broughton administration gave him a 
special grant for it and for the adjoining tract which he had bought. 
Thomas and Alexander McCree and two other Scots arriving in 1736 
were then settled upon this land by the deputy surveyor. The McCrees re- 
fused to move even after they had lost a suit for damages brought against 
them in 1740. Four years later they again petitioned the governor and 
council for the land, but thereafter gave up a struggle which was patently 
hopeless from the start. There was more justification for the grant of a 
thousand acres to George Hunter on which six Williamsburgers had been 
placed by the deputy, and on which they had cleared six acres and built 
huts. Hunter showed that his survey had been made in 1728 and that he 
had paid taxes on it since.^ 

With the year 1737 warrants and surveys in Williamsburg come almost 
to a stop. In the next eight years between five and six thousand acres was 
granted, and from 1746 to 1759 about twelve thousand. Three-fourths or 
more of this was for residents. For fifteen years of this time there was no 

^PR, XXI, 93-105 (Representation to Henry McCulloh, Jan. 19, 1743, enclosed 
by him to Board, Mar. 19, 1743), P, II, 157, III, 261. 

■^ Grants, MS, I, 372, P, I, 483 ; Court Records, Charleston, Common Pleas, 
Nov. 1740, Akin vs. McCrea ; JC, Oct. 1, Nov. 13, Dec. 2, 18, 1736, Jan. 14, 1743, 
Jan. 14, 1744; see also Mar. 16, 1745. 



82 The Expansion of South Carolina 

migration of bounty settlers from Ireland to South Carolina. This may be 
accounted for, in part, by the dissatisfaction of the Williamsburgers with 
their treatment, but it was apparently due also to an unwillingness to 
settle in the low country; when immigration began again after 1760, 
although much of the upper pine belt was still vacant, the Scotch-Irish 
studiously avoided it. Such reports as that of "the Great Sickness" of 
1750, which "put us all into so great Confusion, that no business was 
minded" were not calculated to encourage the prospective settler. There 
were other obstacles; the local authorities in Ireland put difficulties in the 
way of emigration, and the Spanish and French wars from 1739 to 1748 
interfered with shipping.® 

With corn the Williamsburgers made at least an excellent beginning. 
The cattle raising industry preceded them to the township, for in February 
1735 William James and three others protested that "sevl. People had 
settled Cow Pens and kept large stocks of Cattle in the said Township, 
which consumed the Herbage." The council at once ordered all cattle 
removed save those of the landowners of the township. In 1743 James' 
own cowpen is mentioned in an advertisement. That rice was an ordinary 
crop of the township is indicated by a petition of James Gamble in 1743 in 
which he asked for another tract of land, declaring that the two hundred 
and fifty acres assigned him in 1734 was "so Extreamly barren" that three 
of his best crops did not exceed ten bushels of rough rice.^ 

Hemp and flax were among the many products that the South Carolina 
leaders wished to introduce among the planters, and during 1733 and 
1734 Richard Hall was employed by the assembly to this end; but the 
seed arrived too late to plant, and the death of Governor Johnson removed 
his "only pillar". Hall had surveys of two thousand acres in Williams- 
burg, and now turned his attention to the township, where he found the 
land good. The settlers accepted his advice and assistance and "resolved 
to follow sowing Hemp." In 1736 the assembly offered a bounty for flax 
and doubled an existing premium on hemp.^° 

Shortly after this references to Hall cease, but in 1740 William Lowry 
from Williamsburg laid before the lieutenant-governor in council "the 
first Piece of Holland made in this Province," and was given three pounds 

® JC, Nov. 6, 1751, SCG, Aug. 21, 1736, Pennsyl'vania Magazine of History and 
Biography, XXI, 485-487; "We have Letters from our Friends in Ireland Acquaint- 
ing us of their desire of coming here, if we would in any shape encourage them, 
which we have hitherto declin'd, because of the Lands being run and possessed 
by others." (PR, XXI, 98— see n. 6 above). 

^JC, Feb. 12, 1735, Nov. 9, 1743, SCG, Oct. 3, 1743 (advt. of John Basnett). 

^^See SCG, Jan. 15, 1732 (letter of Agricola), May 18, 1734 (advt. of Hall); 
PR, XV, 87 (Johnson to Board, received Jan. 26, 1732), XVII, 174-193 (Same, 
Nov. 9, 1734, with enclosure, pp. 160-173), 313-315 (Hall, May 8, 1735, received by 
Board June 25, 1735); JCHA, Jan. 20, 25, 26, Mar. 12, 1733, May 28, Nov. 15, 
1734; JUHA, May 18, 23, 1734; Stats., Ill, 184, 436-437, VII, 489; P, II, 313, 334, 
337, III, 483. 



The Eastern Townships 83 

from the township fund. In 1743 Janet, wife of John Fleming, brought 
in twenty-four yards of fine white holland, the flax having been grown on 
Fleming's plantation, spun by Janet, and woven by David Witherspoon. 
She was given seven pounds. The next year she appeared with more linen, 
and with her James McClellan, likewise of the township, who produced 
twenty-one yards. No more gratuities were given, but in 1749 Governor 
Glen said that a few linens were used in the province, made in Williams- 
burg. In 1748 John Dobell, a former Georgia schoolmaster, wrote from 
Charleston a somewhat exaggerated account of Williamsburg industry. 
He stated that Williamsburg and Orangeburg were both flourishing, 
particularly the former, "by whose Ingenious Industry our Market is 
often supply'd with abundance of Barrelled Butter and Flour inferior to 
none in the Northern Provinces and very little so to any in England ; with 
Cheese Tallow Bacon etc. Not to mention Linnen Cloth which they make 
in that perfection that our Governor has deign'd to wear it in Shirts him- 
self"." 

It was indigo, however, that brought wealth to Williamsburg. The 
loose, dry and moderately rich soil demanded by the crop was to be found 
at many points in the township, as in other parts of the lower pine belt, 
and in June 1755 Henry Laurens wrote: "We shall have a great deal 
offerd to us from such Persons as deal with us for Slaves from Williams- 
burgh Township which affords in general the best Indigo." Accordingly 
one finds in the militia census of 1757 one hundred and fifty-five male 
slaves from sixteen to sixty years of age listed from Williamsburg, indi- 
cating a total for the township of over six hundred. About fifty slaves are 
found in the land petitions of the actual inhabitants between 1744 and 
1755; doubtless there were many besides. Laurens' letters show that 
buyers came in person from the township, and it is thus probable that men 
who had themselves been bounty immigrants in 1735-1736 were among 
those who "went to collaring each other & would have come to blows had 
it not been prevented" in contending for the best slaves.^" 

However, the absentees who still held the land taken up in 1736 and 
1737 were in position to profit by the new crop, and probably owned 
many of the negroes. Indigo did not require so much labor as rice, but 
called for heavy expenditures for vats, and required skilled supervision. 
Where the work was undertaken by outsiders it must have been in the 
charge of overseers, for the Williamsburgers continued to monopolize the 
public offices,^^ as they could not have done had any considerable number 

i^CHA, Mar. 1, 1737; SCG, July 5, 1740; JC, Nov. 12, 1743, Nov. 30, 1744; 
PR, XXIII, 362-363 (Answers of Glen to Board, July 19, 1749, incorrectly given 
In Carroll, Collections, II, 229, as Williamsburg, Virginia) ; Col. Recs. of Ga., 
XXV, 281. For Dobell, see also ibid., pp. 15-19. 

12 Carroll, Collections, II, 203-204, U. B. Phillips, American Negro Slavery 
(New York, 1918), pp. 91-92, Laurens, Letter Books, June 30, July 2, 31, 1755. 

i^See, for instance, the militia officers (JC, May 4, 1757), Stats., IX, 149, VII, 
503. See also William W. Boddie, History of Williamsburg (Columbia, 1923). 



84 The Expansion of South Carolina 

of well-to-do Anglican planters established themselves in the township in 
person. 

Transportation was not a grave problem for Williamsburg, In 1734 
a boat carried the goods of the Witherspoons up to Kingstree, and in 1737 
Robert Finley received two hundred bushels of corn from the provincial 
government as a gratuity for his clearing the river for large boats up to 
the town. The river was regularly used, and acts were passed providing 
for clearing it to the northern boundary of the township at the expense of 
the inhabitants. A bridge over the Black at Kingstree, built by Roger 
Gibson in 1740, and Murray's Ferry over the Santee, established by the 
assembly the next year, gave the settlers access to Charleston by land." 

Not many seem to have taken the "town" seriously before the Revolu- 
tion. However, in 1740 Hugh Campbell, "late of Williamsburgh . . . 
Storekeeper" was sued by a Charleston merchant for twenty-two pounds. 
John Bassnett, who evidently went from Charleston with the first settlers, 
was in 1744 captain of the militia and justice of the peace. He was both 
planter and storekeeper. Against him in his role as planter, Robert Pringle 
got a judgment for about £1,143, which was delivered to John Rice, a 
Charleston butcher, for execution. But when Rice seized one of his slaves, 
Bassnett's wife rescued her. Bassnett himself from the window threatened 
to shoot the deputy and declared "that half the men in Charlestown 
should not be able to seize them, being so well beloved by the Inhabitants 
of Williamsburg, who would stand by him." Several months later, on 
another suit, he declared himself bankrupt. In 1761 he was still justice of 
the peace.^^ 

The Williamsburgers constituted a social unit of unusual strength and 
vigor. They were bound by "their National Adherence to each other" and 
this was probably appreciably strengthened by their contact with the Eng- 
lish who had taken so much of the land of their township. Futhermore, 
the Witherspoon, Fleming and James families, with several others, were 
related by blood or marriage at the time of migration. But the chief bond 
was the Williamsburg Presbyterian Church, organized in the third year of 
settlement. On the petition of William James in July 1736 to the 
lieutenant-governor and council, a two hundred and fifty acre plat was 
given in trust for the use of a dissenting minister. From Ireland they 
procured the Reverend Robert Herron, who served them three years. 
After an interval he was succeeded in 1743 by the much loved John Rae, 

i^Wardlaw, Genealogy, p. 9; JC, May 4, 1737; JUHA, Jan. 22, 1745; JCHA, 
Feb. 27, 1753; Stats., VII, 489-491, 503, IX, 121-124. 

^° Court Records, Charleston, Common Pleas, Feb. 1740; Register of St. Philip's, 
index; JC, Apr. 26, 1735, Dec. 8, 1736, Apr. 17, 1744; SCG, July 30, 1744 (adv. 
of J. Wedderburn) ; Register . . . Prince Frederick, index. Town lots were sur- 
veyed, however— see above, n. 3, JC, Apr. 26, 1735, Feb. 27, 1736, July 1, 1737. 



The Eastern Townships 85 

of the Presbytery of Dundee, Scotland, who continued their minister until 
his death in 1761.^^ 

The original intent of Johnson's plan was that each township be made 
a parish, and, when it should have one hundred householders, send two 
members to the Commons House. The first move to take advantage of 
this understanding was made in 1739 when the Scotch dissenters petitioned 
the assembly to make the township into a parish "with all the Privileges &ca 
thereto annexed". Since parish expenses were borne almost entirely by 
the provincial government, the Williamsburgers may have been willing to 
have an Anglican church built for the privilege of representation. They 
may even have thought that since the number of Anglicans settlers in the 
parish was negligible, the church would remain unorganized. Meanwhile 
they voted in Prince Frederick's parish.^^ The petition precipitated much 
discussion, and though the House authorized such a bill, it was never 
passed. The next parish east of the Santee was St. Mark's, formed in 
1757, with its church near the mouth of the Wateree. 

In 1746, during the War of the Austrian Succession, John Rae the 
minister presented a petition to the assembly in behalf of his congregation, 
saying that they were two hundred effective men, and asking a fort to 
secure their wives and children and enable them "to act like men in de- 
fense of their Country". In 1757, in a list of the South Carolina militia, 
Williamsburg had two companies, one of forty-five men, the other of 
eighty-four;^® the total white population in 1757 was probably about six 
hundred and fifty. 

This estimate, indicating an actual decrease of the white population 
since 1746, points to two significant developments east of the Santee — 
a replacing of white labor by slaves, and an emigration of the increase of 
the whites to the less convenient but more fertile upper pine belt to the 
northwest. The proportion of slaves was far from dangerous, however, 
and from the standpoint of development of the province both the slave 
importation and the white emigration were quite desirable. 

Williamsburg was the most successful of the townships in Governor 
Johnson's scheme. In the unpopular lower pine belt it continued to be a 
compact community in which slaves were numerous enough to bring pros- 
perity, but not to threaten security, while the expansion of the township 
to the northwest was a vital factor in establishing contact between the 
coast and the back country. In another sense, one perhaps not foreseen by 

IS PR, XXI, 103 (above, n. 6), Wardlaw, Genealogy, JC, July 2, 1736, Howe, 
Presbyterian Church, I, 324. There was also a glebe of 100 acres (Plat, state 
archives). See also J. A. Wallace, History of IViUiamsburg Church (Salisbury, 
1856), pp. 22-29. 

1' JCHA, Mar. 16, Apr. 4, 1739, May 2, 7, 1740; see also names in PR, XXI, 
96-99, 100-105 (above, n. 6) ; and Register . . . Prince Frederick, pp. 117, 121, 129. 

18 JCHA, Apr. 16, 1746, May 4, 1757. 



86 The Expansion of South Carolina 

the governor, these Scots were equally important. They were a Scotch 
Puritan community set down in a more easy-going English plantation 
province. Their high standards of conduct and education, their social 
compactness and their remarkable vigor were valuable aids to South Caro- 
lina progress. On the other hand, despite their quarrels with the govern- 
ment and the non-resident landowners, they were sufficiently adjusted to 
economic, social, and political conditions to make an effective unit in South 
Carolina life. To a conspicuous degree they served the same purpose as the 
French element in the older parishes. 

Kingston on the Waccamaw was one of the northern townships thrown 
open to the inhabitants of the province by the order of the lieutenant-gov- 
ernor and council in 1735. It was first planned to include both banks of 
the Waccamaw River, but in 1733 the Commons House so earnestly urged 
that it be run out entirely on the north bank that the administration con- 
sented. A later House charged the failure of the township largely to 
this change. It is true that the additional land on the Little Peedee was 
poor compensation for the thirty or forty miles of the south bank of the 
Waccamaw, but climate, soil and grants to non-residents are more satis- 
factory explanations for its ill success.^® 

The township thus located had three sides of a square, the southwest 
line being for most of its course in the swamp of the Little Peedee, the 
northeast line lying close to and paralleling the North Carolina boundary. 
Ten or fifteen miles from the southern tip of the township a large creek 
or "lake" flowed into the Waccamaw and on the bluff at this point the 
site of the town was fixed. 

The bulk of this great area is a plain so level that drainage is bad and 
much of the soil — partly for this reason and partly from its composition — 
was hardly practicable for settlement in a country where better and ac- 
cessible land was plentiful. Near the two rivers, however, the plain falls 
away to the edge of the river swamp, presenting a wide strip of well 
drained and excellent soil. Smaller strips of the same land are to be found 
along the small creeks reaching back into the interior.^" Thus the southern 
corner, between the two rivers and including the site of the proposed town, 
offered the best advantages — good upland soil, river swamp for rice, and 
water transportation. 

Between four and five thousand acres was taken up in the township 
prior to 1 736, but in that year over seventeen thousand acres appear in the 
records in plats, warrants or grants. A third of this was in tracts of five 
hundred acres or more for outsiders of the type that besieged Williams- 

13 Above, p. 80; JCHA, Mar. 1, 2, 7, 1733, Feb. 9, 1734, Mar. 30, 1743; JUHA, 
Feb. 26, 1734; De Brahm, Map of S. C, Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C. No plat of 
the township has been found; in 1783 "the plan" of Kingston is mentioned, and 
in 1801 its name was changed to Conwayborough (Stats., IV, 561, V, 408). 

^ Bureau of Soils, Horry. 



The Eastern Townships 87 

burg. The next year about fifteen thousand acres was taken up or applied 
for, with about the same proportion for non-residents. Thereafter for 
twenty years Kingston warrants and surveys ranged from one hundred to 
two thousand acres a year. If all the land which was not apparently for 
non-residents was taken up by actual settlers, the population would have 
been about four hundred, and this figure is in accord with the militia re- 
turns of 1757 which listed for the township a company of eighty-six men, 
and showed fifty-seven male slaves from sixteen to sixty. There is little but 
indirect evidence for the identity of these settlers. The Williamsburgers 
themselves declared that many of the nearly sixty families of their country- 
men "who came last over" to settle in the Black River township had to go 
elsewhere. The establishing of a Presbyterian church in Kingston is a 
further indication that a number of the Scotch-Irish settled there.^^ 

The Kingston settlers appear less in the colonial records than those of 
any other South Carolina district. It seems improbable, therefore, that 
many of the two hundred or more slaves of 1757 belonged to the inhab- 
itants. However, Arthur Baxter, who started with a town lot and three 
hundred acres in 1737, got a warrant in 1754 for four hundred more on 
the headrights of eight slaves. In 1756 and 1757 he applied for warrants 
for three hundred and fifty additional acres. Robert Jordan recited in his 
petition of 1744 that the five hundred and fifty acres of his former 
warrant had "proved so barren, that he cannot by labour nor Industry Get 
a Living thereby" and asked other land instead. At the same time that 
he got the new warrant he was given another for one hundred and fifty 
for increase in his headrights. In 1755 a third warrant was given him for 
three hundred and fifty acres based in part on two slaves. Abraham 
Jordan's warrant for five hundred acres in 1755 was on the right of ten 
slaves. The two Jordans were captain and lieutenant respectively of the 
militia company in 1757. George Starrat's seven hundred and fifty 
acres in 1745 must have included rights for slaves, for it represented 
fifteen persons. Those Kingston plats which were recorded were run out 
chiefly on or near the Waccamaw about Kingston, with a smaller number 
on or near the Little Peedee opposite. How far into the interior they 
extended cannot be stated, but in 1751 William Ridgeway declared that he 
had lived some years in the upper part of the township on rented land, and 
now applied for a warrant for two hundred acres on Playcard Swamp. 
This was in the northeastern corner of the township, fifteen miles or more 
from Kingston.^' 

From the nearly complete obscurity enfolding it the "town" of Kingston 
emerges for a moment in 1768 into a somewhat lurid light. The testimony 
of William Hunter in a murder case having been called in question, he felt 

21 JC, Feb. 7, 1737, May 4, 1757. 

22 JC, Jan. 24, 1744, Mar. 20, 1745, June 4, 1751, May 7, 1754, Mar. 4, May 7, 
1755, May 4, 1756, Mar. 1, 1757. 



88 The Expansion of South Carolina 

impelled to publish in the South Carolina Gazette of May 2nd an affi- 
davit he had made in January preceding. From the piazza of the house of 
John McDougal, justice of the peace and tavern keeper of Kingston, 
Hunter had seen the owner and Joseph Jordon begin a quarrel which, inter- 
larded with many and furious oaths, proceeded to displays of horsewhip, 
sword, and knife; in the course of the long altercation Jordon paused to 
eat the victuals set before him by the negro wench of the tavern, and on 
McDougal's refusal to let him have punch, sent to Mrs. Wilson's for it. 
Presently McDougal wounded Jordon, pursued him eighty yards to a 
smith's shop and there killed him. Mrs. Gaddis dressed a cut in Mc- 
Dougal's hand, and a negro belonging to Hunter's schooner also saw part 
of the affair. 

The Reverend John Baxter of Cainhoy occasionally preached at 
Waccamaw, and in 1756 William Donaldson, a newly ordained minister 
from the north, accepted a call to that congregation. After his death three 
years later the Gazette advertised his estate — seven hundred acres on the 
river, ten slaves, and the year's indigo crop. Mouzon's map of 1775 shows 
a church at Kingston, and in 1795 Bishop Asbury preached in an old 
Presbyterian meeting-house then repaired for the Methodists."^ This 
church could hardly have been other than a Presbyterian church founded 
chiefly by the Scotch-Irish settlement of Kingston, and served by Baxter 
and Donaldson. 

23 Howe, Presbyterian Church, I, 282, 594, SCG, Dec. 8, 1759 (advt. of Glen 
and Skinner). 



CHAPTER VIII 

QUEENSBORO AND THE WeLSH TrACT 

The Peedee, like the Santee and Savannah, offered the best advantages 
for the small farmer in its upper pine belt, which lay above Black Creek, 
In 1729, however, the population north of the Santee was too scanty for the 
government to encourage settlement at such a distance, and the Peedee 
township was placed on the lower course of the river in a region of many 
and wide swamps, ill adapted as a whole to any but large plantations. 
Queensboro was surveyed in 1733 and lay on both sides of the Peedee, 
having its "town" and center on the west bank three or four miles above 
the mouth of Lynches River.^ 

In November of this year James Gordon, proposing to settle one hun- 
dred families in Queensboro, applied to the assembly for the same aid as 
that given to Purry. The Commons House refused his request on the 
ground that the northern townships needed no encouragement for settle- 
ment. Thereupon, in 1734, Gordon at his own expense imported twenty- 
seven persons whom he freed from indentures the next year when he 
applied for the bounty for these and for twenty-one others just arrived. 
The second group was from Pennsylvania as probably was the first; each 
settler was given a bounty of eight bushels of corn and a peck of salt. 
Gordon was commissioned as justice of the peace and captain of the militia 
for the township although he seems to have had his home in Georgetown.^ 

The bounty given was only a part of the usual supply, but these settlers, 
being neither foreign nor European, were not within the intention of the 
settlement program. No individual grants appear which would correspond 
to this migration, but Gordon himself in 1735 had surveys made in the 
township of eight tracts amounting to thirty-one hundred acres. The 
settlers may have established themselves in the township, or perhaps moved 
up the river with the later arrivals from Pennsylvania. As for the town, 
so little was it regarded that Gordon had his overseer plant the area re- 

iJC, Mar. 10, 1732; JCHA, Sept. 20, 1733; copies of Welsh Tract and Queens- 
boro plats (see Alexander Gregg, History of the Old C/ieraivs — Columbia, 1905 — 
opposite pp. 45 and 49, and n. 8 below), De Brahm, Map of S. C. The township 
and its town may also be approximately located by the following plats: P, I, 512, 
II, 160, 172, 427. 

2 JCHA, Nov. 17, Dec. 6, 1733; JC, Mar. 7, 29, 1735; SCG, Mar. 8, 1740 (advt. 
of sale of Gordon's property). In his estimate of expenses of the province for 
settlement (PR, XVII. 228 — above, p. 22, n. 14) Furye listed a year's allowance 
"to Mr. Gordon & 40 Highlanders in one of the Northern Townships" but the 
group cannot be identified, nor, perhaps, the statement entirely relied upon. 

89 



90 The Expansion of South Carolina 

served for ft. Meanwhile the planters were taking up the land of Queens- 
boro. Besides Gordon's holdings there were a dozen others of a thousand 
acres or more, and by 1745 about sixty-five plats had been surveyed, which 
brought the total to nearly thirty thousand acres. The three surveys of 
John Hammerton, Secretary of the province, who was the chief grantee, 
amounted to four thousand acres.^ 

Even earlier than the arrival of Gordon's immigrants several men had 
settled on the river above the township. Malachai Murphy, a native of the 
province, claimed to have purchased part of a warrant for land on the 
Peedee about 1728. He made his home a short distance above Mars Bluff, 
a three or four mile stretch of high ground on the west bank of the river 
five miles above Jeffreys Creek.* When in 1746 he applied for a warrant 
for the land he had so long occupied without legal title, he had twelve 
slaves. Gideon Gibson, who established a cowpen on the Peedee about 
1732, later moved to the Little Peedee.® 

John Thompson, Junior, lived near enough to Prince Frederick's 
Church on the lower Black River to serve as vestryman, but in 1735 he had 
a thousand acres surveyed on the point between Jeffreys Creek and the 
Peedee, and by the spring of 1736 several tracts for others were surveyed 
on the creek nearby. Thompson traded with the Cheraw Indians, who 
lived on the east bank of the river at the shoals and caused the vicinity to 
be called "the Cheraws".® They hunted along the river, with some of the 
Peedees who probably lived with them, and claimed the land at least as far 
down as Mars Bluff, sometimes called "the Little Cheraws". Francis 
Young lived on the river opposite the Great Cheraws town, and he and 
Thompson later had lands surveyed there at the mouth of Thompsons 
Creek. ^ 

In August 1736 Lieutenant-Governor Broughton and the council read 
and granted the petition of David Lewis, Samuel Wild and Daniel James. 
These men represented members of a colony of Welsh Baptists living in 
Newcastle County, then one of the three Lower Counties of Pennsylvania, 
but later part of the state of Delaware. On examination they had found 
the land of the Peedee valley suited to their purpose of raising "Hemp, 

2 See above, p. 20, n. 9 ; P, II, 316, 322, 344, IV, 14-18, 20, 22-24, 39-40; JC, 
June 2, 1752. In 1743 five hundred acres in fifty acre tracts was advertised as 
formerly the property of Gordon {SCG, Mar. 14th). 

^JC, Apr. 13, 1744, Feb. 20, 1746 (the name is sometimes given as Michael); 
Welsh Tract plat (below, n. 8) ; SCG, Apr. 17, 1755 (advt. of Edward Jerman) ; 
Bureau of Soils, Florence (map). 

^ JC, Nov. 12, 1747, P, IV, 510. He was probably the carpenter who came 
from Virginia — JCHA, July 2, 8, 1731 — but the identity of the Gideon Gibsons is 
not clear. 

^ See index to Register . . . Prince Frederick and P, III, 156, 516, IV, 5; 
JUHA, Jan. 26, 1738; JC, June 8, 1739; Mooney, Slouan Tribes, p. 60. 

^ SCG, Feb. 7, 1761, SCGCJ, Aug. 26, 1766 (advts. of Andrew Johnston and Isaac 
Navel) ; Grooms' land was on or near Mars Bluff {SCAGG, Mar. 18, 1768— 
advt. of John Murray); JC, Nov. 9, 1743; P. IV, 195, 263-264. 



The Eastern Townships 91 

Flax, Wheat, Barley &ca". They asked for the prospective settlers a reser- 
vation of ten thousand acres of Queensboro — the northeast portion of that 
township — and all the land above for eight miles on each side the river as 
far as the junction of its two main branches. The nearest tributary of the 
Peedee that could be called its main branch was Little River, seventy miles 
north of Queensboro and twenty miles beyond the North Carolina line as 
later surveyed. The South Carolina portion alone thus constituted a 
reservation for immigrants with which no township could compare in area 
of fertile and convenient land.® 

Associated with James in the reservation for the Welsh was Maurice 
Lewis, a Charleston member of the Commons House who had but recently 
taken up surveys of fifteen hundred acres of land in Queensboro, and who 
called himself one of "the Welch and Pensilvanians". The records of the 
Welsh Tract Baptist Church in Pennsylvania state, in November 1735, 
that Abel Morgan, teaching elder, James James, ruling elder, Thomas 
Evan, deacon, Daniel James, Samuel Miles [Wilds], John Harry, John 
Harry, Junior, Thomas Harry, Jeremiah Rowell, Richard Barrow, 
Thomas Money, Nathaniel Evan, Mary James, Annie Evan, Sarah James, 
Mary Wilds, Elizabeth Harry, Margaret Harry, Eleanor Jenkin, Sarah 
Harry, Margaret William, Mary Rowell, and Sarah Barrow were re- 
moved to Carolina and were dismissed to the Baptist Church in Charles- 
ton, or permitted to form themselves into a church. But not until January 
1737 is there reference in the South Carolina records to the arrival of 
"several" in the province.^ During the year 1737 the Welsh Tract Church 
dismissed to the Peedee settlement eight men and seven women, in 1738 
John Jones and his wife, Ann, and in 1739 and 1741 several other mem- 
bers. With the exception of Abel Morgan, listed in the record as re- 
turned, James James who soon died, and Thomas Money, references to 
all the men named appear on Peedee plats within the next few years.^° 
In the summer of 1737 warrants were granted to several whose names do 
not appear in the minutes of the mother church, among them Evan 
Vaughan, Samuel Sarancy and Evan Davis.^^ 

^Records of the fVelsh Tract Baptist Meeting . . . Delanvare, 1701-1828 
(Wilmington, 1904), I, 7-18; JC, Aug. 13, 1736; Gregg, Old Cheraivs, pp. 614-617. 
The plat finally surveyed according to these directions was not returned until 
January 1738 (JC, Jan. 27, 1738) ; it has not been found. A plat of Nov. 29, 1736, 
rejected by the administration, is in the state archives; it is reproduced without 
the signature of the surveyor in Gregg, Old Chera<ws, opp. p. 49. For the at- 
tempts to deceive the administration into depriving the Welsh of a great part of 
their reservation, see JC, Feb. 18, Dec. 14, 1737, Jan. 27, 1738, July 7, 1739; 
SCG, Feb. 12, 1737 (proclamation). 

9JCHA, Feb. 1, 1738, Register of St. Philip's, pp. 128, 167, P, III, 375, 412, 
JC, Jan. 19, 1737. 

1° See Townsend, S. C. Baptists, p. 62, n. 2 ; P, IV, 297 (Wild), 203 (S. Parsons), 
197 (J. Rowell), IV, 262 (Barrow), 302 (Ellerbe, adjoining N. Evans), 187 
(Dousenal — i.e., Devonald), 189 (Evan Harry, adjoining J. Harry). 

^^JC, July 29, 1737. Daniel James already had received a warrant for 350 
acres (JC, Dec. 9, 1736). 



92 The Expansion of South Carolina 

To each head of a family among these settlers arriving in 1737 were 
given six bushels of corn and a bushel of salt. Eight hundred and fifty- 
nine pounds was set aside from the township fund as a bounty for the first 
two hundred settlers over twelve years of age who should come from 
Wales. The reservation was extended from time to time until 1745, but 
there is no evidence of direct immigration from Wales, the war with Spain 
being given as the cause of the failure of the plan. From Pennsylvania, 
however, the Welsh continued to come in considerable numbers. ^^ 

The immigrants made little use of the lower half of their great reserva- 
tion. In 1737 Thomas Evans and the widow of Samuel Wilds had their 
surveys made in or near Queensboro, followed in 1738 by Thomas James, 
Griffith John and Evan, John and David Harry. These were near the 
mouth of Catfish Creek. There was room for others, for none of the plats 
showed outsiders adjoining, but the rest of the Welsh evidently preferred 
land farther north.^^ 

Between Black Creek and the sand hills on either side of the Cheraws 
the Welsh Tract included the typical soils of the upper pine belt. A short 
distance from the river was a light sandy loam, excellently adapted to 
agriculture, but next to the Peedee the land was even more fertile, con- 
venient for water transportation, and, because of the forage in the swamp 
portions, better suited for cattle raising. A five mile square of this river 
bottom, on the east side of the river and ten miles below the Cheraws, lay 
nearly enclosed in a great bend of the Peedee. The soil was a rich silt 
loam like that of Raifords Creek, and the area less subject to the floods 
that afflicted it later when the valley above was cleared. Here in the 
"Welch Neck", before they had been a year in the province, the Welsh 
began their surveys, their plats fronting the river above and below the 
mouth of Crooked Creek. William and Abel James, Thomas Evans, 
James Rogers, William Terrel, Daniel Devonal and John Jones had their 
plats made in 1738." Within seven years of that date nearly a hundred 
plats were run out in the Welsh reservation, amounting to about twenty 
five thousand acres. Few of the holdings were over five hundred acres. 
The population of five hundred thus represented was probably half Welsh, 

■^-JC, Dec. 14, 1737 (a few others may have received the bounty later — JC, 
June 6, 1739, Oct. 15, 1742), July 7, 1739, Jan. 26, 1743, Mar. 25, 1745. James 
Price, however, claimed to have come from Wales on encouragement by the 
province; see also William Hughes and Job Edwards (JC, Jan. 22, 1746), and 
note JC, Jan. 20, July 19, 1738. 

^^P, IV, 145-146, 188-189, 297; the later claim of the Welsh that grants to 
South Carolinians had forced them to settle further up the river and had prevented 
immigration of others was evidently an excuse on which to ask an extension of 
the reservation— (JC, July 7, 1739). 

"Bureau of Soils, Marlboro; above, p. 59; P, IV, 187, 190-194 (Devonald's 
plat was stated to be in Queensboro, but later surveys — see P, IV, 394 — and the 
index to Plats show this to be an error). The location of the Welsh Neck surveys 
may be worked out from the names on a later plat of Thomas James (P, XVII, 
228). 



The Eastern Towtiships 93 

all of whom lived in or near the Welsh Neck. The petitions from the 
west side of the river indicate that a larger number of the early settlers 
there came from the South Carolina coast than from Virginia or the 
northern colonies. 

One of the first difficulties of the Welsh was with the Cheraw and 
Peedee Indians who by "running among their Settlements under pretence 
of Hunting" caused them great uneasiness. In 1739 John Thompson was 
called before the lieutenant-governor and council, but he denied that he 
had promoted "any misunderstanding between the Welch and Indians or 
Virginians &ca." About two years before he had bought all the lands of 
these Indians on the river, including about forty "old fields" as the 
abandoned cleared lands of the Indians were called. His expenses, in- 
cluding his service in quieting the apprehensions of settlers in the Welsh 
Tract and in Williamsburg, came to a hundred and five pounds which the 
provincial government undertook to pay him in return for surrender of 
the deed, giving him warrants for a thousand acres of land besides. Some 
of the Cheraws were already with the Catawbas ; probably the rest of their 
tribe and the Peedees soon joined them.^^ 

James James was the leading member of the Welsh group at the time 
of the migration. He was a justice of the peace in Pennsylvania and was 
the father of Abel, Daniel and Philip James. He seems to have died 
within a year, however, and Daniel James became justice of the peace, 
succeeded in turn by William James, who was likewise the first captain of 
the militia. Daniel James started a mill which William completed, each 
receiving a reward of fourteen pounds from the provincial government. 
John Newberry, on Muddy Creek at the lower end of the Welsh Neck, 
set up a grist- and sawmill and another like it was built by Gideon Ellis, 
who came to the Welsh Tract from the lower part of the province, and 
settled on the south side of the river on or near Jeffreys Creek.^'' Among 
four other mills projected at the same time one belonged to John Kolp and 
one to James Gillespie, formerly of Winyaw and sometime Cherokee 
trader. These mills are evidence of the success of the Welsh plans for 
grain production. In 1743 the governor and council offered a bounty of 
fourteen shillings a barrel for the first twenty barrels "of good and 
merchantable white flower" made in the Welsh Tract and brought to the 
Charleston market. It was promptly claimed the next year.^" 

1^ JC, June 8, 1739, SCG, June 2, 1746, Adair, American Indians, p. 224, Indian 
Books, V, 94. There were other Peedees, living near Charleston (JC, July 25, 
1744). 

i^Townsend, S. C. Baptists, p. 62; JC, June 8, 1739, Jan. 26, Apr. 28, 1743, 
Nov. 29, 1744, Mar. 14, 1745, Feb. 8, Nov. 20, 1746; P, II, 252-253, IV, 203, 373; 
Register of St. Philip's, p. 166. 

"JC, Sept. 16, 1736, July 9, 1739, Jan. 26, 1743, Oct. 5, 1744, Mar. 22, 1745, 
May 29, 1750; for Kolp see JC, Jan. 14, 1746, P, IV, 241; for Gillespie see Commis- 
sions and Instructions, p. 186, P, II, 395-396, IV, 282. For other mills see JC, 
Feb. 8, Nov. 20, 1746. 



94 The Expansion of South Carolina 

When in 1747 indigo suddenly became a Carolina staple the planters 
in the Queensboro portion of the Peedee valley turned to it with great 
success. Over a thousand acres of James Gordon's land was advertised 
as extraordinarily good for indigo. It was probably also responsible for no 
small part of the prosperity of the Welsh Tract. At Mars Bluff eighteen 
hundred acres was offered for sale which Malachi Murphy said was good 
for indigo and corn. Even the settlers on the Rocky River in North 
Carolina made indigo and shipped it to Charleston.^^ 

From the expiration of the reservation in 1745 until 1759 settlement 
proceeded apace. Nearly five hundred warrants were issued for about 
115,000 acres of land on the Peedee, chiefly in the Welsh Tract. These 
warrants represent an addition of 2,300 persons to the five hundred earlier 
settlers of the region. The militia returns of 1757 listed seven Welsh 
Tract companies numbering 865 officers and men and 117 male slaves 
sixteen to sixty years of age, and indicated a population of about 4,300 
whites and 500 negroes. The returns, however, list only two companies 
between the Welsh Tract and the Waccamaw River, and it is probable that 
some of the so-called Welsh Tract companies included settlers below the 
lines of that reservation. The population of the Welsh Tract proper was 
perhaps three thousand whites and three hundred negroes. The slaves 
were widely distributed, nearly a hundred persons owning them. As early 
as 1745 Thomas EUerbe, a Virginian, had applied for warrants on head- 
rights of twenty-five persons, doubtless most of them slaves. George 
Hicks, likewise from Virginia, could boast fifteen negroes and an overseer, 
and Samuel Sarancy had twenty-one.^^ The Welsh like the other earlier 
settlers had their full share in the expansion of holdings in slaves and 
land. There was, apparently, little shifting of population in the area. 

The Peedee was unobstructed by shoals below the Cheraws, and was 
even navigated above as far as Rocky River. The settlers received "all 
their salt and heavy goods" by water from Georgetown, but sent their 
indigo by wagons to Charleston. The Welsh had a church rule censuring 
a member who should travel up or down the river on the Sabbath save in 
case of absolute necessity. Thus the Cheraws like the other settlements of 
the fall line of the rivers was in an excellent position for trade, and 
references from time to time show that it became the center for the neigh- 
boring middle and back country. In 1750 a Charleston firm sued Samuel 
Armstrong "of Cheraws . . . Trader" for a debt of one hundred pounds 
made in 1747. In 1760 mention was made of the stores of John Crawford 

^^ See SCG advertisements of: Alexander Fraser (Mar. 19, 1754), Provost 
Marshal (June 9, 1759, Nov. 20, 1762), Edward Jerman (Apr. 17, 1755), Andrew 
Johnston (Feb. 7, 1761), Robert Williams (Sept. 18, 1762); Col. Recs. of N. C, 
V, 356. 

19 JC, July 5, 1742, Mar. 20, 22, May 3, 1745, Nov. 18, 1747, Nov. 5, 1751, May 
4, 1757; note also John Crawford and his ten slaves near Thompsons Creek (JC, 
June 4, 1751, JCHA, Mar. 27, 1759, P, VI, 52). 



The Eastern Townships 95 

and Christopher Gadsden, and the next year Gadsden announced the sale 
of all his goods and warned the public not to trust his Dutch servant who 
"lately attended at his stores at the Charraws and George-Town." ^° 

The Welsh Tract paid a penalty for its prosperity and freedom from 
serious Indian dangers by becoming early a prey to horse thieves. In 1739 
one of the petitions of the Welsh complained "That several Out Laws and 
Fugitives from the Colonies of Virginia and North Carolina most of whom 
are Mullatoes or of a mixed Blood" had thrust themselves among them, 
paying no taxes nor quit rents, "and are a Pest & Nuisance to the adjacent 
Inhabitants". A few years later seven men on the unsurveyed North 
Carolina boundary defied the officers of both provinces, and sent word to 
Captain James "to raise all his Company, swearing they were Men enough 
if the whole Inhabitants of the River came after them." They were part 
of a band of robbers sought by the Virginia government, and had, so the 
Welsh suspected, the sympathy of some of their neighbors. The governor, 
however, thought it sufficient to order James to issue a magistrate's warrant 
and to call out an adequate force of the militia to enforce it. In 1746 two 
settlers petitioned for lands elsewhere, one stating that the robbers had re- 
duced his stock of hogs from twenty-five to six. In 1750, on recommenda- 
tion of James Gillespie, the governor appointed George Hicks and John 
Crawford justices of the peace, for Gillespie declared that he and James 
were the only magistrates within a hundred miles, and some of the settlers 
were "Living very Riotous". Two years later Crawford himself, with 
about sixty others, petitioned for a county court for the district between the 
mouth of Lynches River and the North Carolina line, but nothing came of 
the request.^^ 

Another episode in the boundary controversy concerned the lands of 
Governor Arthur Dobbs, part of whose 200,000 acres lay on Rocky River. 
A colony of Scotch-Irish from Pennsylvania had settled on his land, but — 
probably encouraged by the wording of the Welsh Tract reservation — a 
score of them applied to South Carolina for their grants instead of to the 
North Carolina governor, hoping to get their land for the cost of fees in- 
stead of paying Dobbs fifteen or twenty pounds per hundred acres. In 
1755 and 1756 about seventy of these Rocky River settlers petitioned the 
South Carolina government for protection. They even offered to seize 
Dobbs' agent and surveyor and bring him to Charleston if Glen would send 
instructions and commissions to certain of their number as justices of the 
peace and militia officers. Commissions were given, and under another 

^ Col. Recs. of N. C, V, 357, Welsh Neck Church Book, MS, p. 4; Townsend, 
S. C. Baptists, p. 85; Court Records, Common Pleas, Feb. 1750; SCG, Mar. 14, 
1761. Gadsden's thirteen hundred acre plat in 1763 included land earlier surveyed 
for John Thompson, and showed a building near the mouth of Thompsons Creek 
(P, IV, 195, VI, 213). See JCHA, May 19, 1760, for Gadsden and Crawford stores. 

21 JC, July 7, 1739, Mar. 25, 1745, Mar. 12, 1746, May 29, 1750; JCHA, Mar. 
17, 1752; JUHA, Mar. 16, 1752, Col. Recs. of N. C, IV, 760. 




96 The Expansion of South Carolina 

name the Rocky River company of fifty men was included in the South 
Carolina militia list of 1757. To avert violent measures, however, Glen 
and the council urged Governor Dobbs to allow all persons in the disputed 
boundary area to remain on their lands until the crown gave proper in- 
structions. Final settlement of the dispute did not come until 1764 when 
the boundary was run west to the Catawba River, and after a riot in which 
Dobbs was threatened with violence.^^ 

The Welsh immigrants constituted a religious group as compact and 
vigorous as that which settled Williamsburg. In January 1738 fifteen of 
them with their wives were organized as the Peedee — later the Welsh 
Neck — Baptist Church. Philip James, son of James James, was dismissed 
from the Pennsylvania church in November 1737 and came with the first 
settlers; he was ordained as their minister in 1743, and served till his death 
in 1754, The congregation first met in the house of John Jones who used 
a Welsh concordance of the scriptures by Abel Morgan. In 1744 they 
built a church which was replaced in 1769 by another, forty-five feet by 
thirty. There were sixty-six members in 1759.^^ 

The early history of this church was far from tranquil. Declaring that 
it was not a church of Christ, the Reverend Robert Williams withdrew 
from it in 1759, his lands and slaves no doubt giving him quite enough to 
do. After many patient inquiries and admonitions the church excommuni- 
cated him. The congregation immediately called the Reverend Nicholas 
Bedgegood, an Englishman who had been partially trained for the law, 
and who was later associated with Whitefield in the management of the 
Georgia Orphan House. The conduct of the members was the subject of 
constant investigation. In 1760 James James was suspended for beating a 
neighbor. John Booth was likewise suspended for quarrelling and using 
profane language, and required to make public acknowledgment of repent- 
ance before he was restored. Other offenses, both lighter and graver, were 
inquired into and handled with fine firmness, charity and common sense."* 

In 1752 thirty-one settlers, among them Gideon Gibson and several of 
the first Welsh immigrants to Queensboro, organized a Baptist Church on 
Catfish Creek, and in 1758 they built a meeting house near the mouth of 
the stream. During the 'fifties the Welsh Neck Church established two 
branches, one at Mars Bluff, the other in Cashaway Neck on the east side 
of the river and above Mars Bluff. In 1756 the latter congregation, 
which had been meeting " 'at the Scholl house' ", achieved separate organi- 
zation, and in its activity and influence was second only to the Welsh 

22 Col. Recs. of N. C, V, xxxii-xxxiv, 355-356, VI, 788-789, JC, Aug. 12, 1755, 
Jan. 7, 1756, May 4, 1757, below, p. 135. 

23Townsend, S. C. Baptists, pp. 62-64, 74; Welsh Neck Church Book; Abel 
Morgan, Cyd-Gordiad Egyddora^vl o'r Scrytliurau . . . (Philadelphia, 1730) — 
John Jones' copy has notes in Welsh made after the settlement on the Peedee. 

2* See JC, Feb. 23, 1749, May 5, 1752, Mar. 22, 1754, Feb. 4, 1755; Townsend, 
S. C. Baptists, pp. 64-67, 69; Welsh Neck Church Book, pp. 1-19. 



The Eastern Towfiships 97 

Neck. Like that church it kept a strong but kind hand upon its errant 
members, requiring their attendance on Sundays and striving to keep them 
from excessive drinking — the latter a fault for which it became necessary 
to suspend one of the ministers. The Reverend Evan Pugh began his long 
service to this church in 1764. Among the first members were Abel and 
Benjamin James, Jeremiah Rowell, and Henry, John Martin and Peter 
Kolb. The Kolbs, too, were said to have come from Pennsylvania.^^ 

The Anglican church developed more slowly in the Welsh Tract than 
did the Baptist, but the settlement there of South Carolinians and 
Virginians provided it with possible members, and the growth of population 
and wealth on the Peedee made parish government necessary. The rector 
of Prince Frederick, John Fordyce, visited the upper Peedee in 1743. He 
held services at four places, and baptized twenty-nine children for his own 
parish and nineteen from North Carolina. He had an eye for the material 
as well as spiritual future of the region; in 1737 he had had a thousand 
acres surveyed for himself in Queensboro, and now looked enviously upon 
the Welsh reservation, which he found "as good land as ever was plowed 
and Capable of Great Improvements but ill bestowed on a people who 
will never answer the Intention of the Governmts Indulgence to them". 
Members of even the Gibson, Wild and Evans families resorted to Fordyce 
for baptism or marriage, but after his death in 1751 there was a different 
story. That the Peedee was soon well provided with dissenting ministers 
was a condition which his successors had some part in bringing about The 
vestry and wardens of Prince Frederick declared to the Bishop of London 
that their rector, the notorious Michael Smith, "did make a Tour into these 
remote Parts of the Parish. But He had better stay'd at home, for the 
Consequence has been, that thro' his indiscreet Carriage, (We shd rather 
say immoral Conduct) among them, instead of bringing them over, and 
joining of them to the Communion of our Church, he has unhappily driven 
them to send for Anabaptist Teachers from Philadelphia, who dip many, 
and form them into Congregations; so that the regaining of them, and 
making them Members of the Established Chh will (we judge) be at- 
tended with great Pains, if not an impossibility." "^ 

When St. Mark's parish was created in 1757 its minister served the 
Peedee settlers three years before the church was built on the Santee. It 
was not until 1768 that St. David's was formed; the church was built at 
Cheraw Hill. This parish extended from Lynches River to the North 
Carolina line, the southern boundary running northeast and crossing the 

25 Gregg, Old Cheraivs, p. 83, Townsend, S. C. Baptists, pp. 78-79, 84-90. 
Shortly after 1765 two other Baptist Churches appear on the Peedee, growing out 
of the Catfish Church {ibid. pp. 79, 81). 

26 JC, Dec. 16, 1743, P, II, 395, Dalcho, Episcopal Church, pp. 319-320, 
Register . . . Prince Frederick, p. 132, and Welsh names in index; see also Francis 
Young, Malachi Murphy, Daniel McDaniel, George Hicks, and Thomas Ellerbe. 



98 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Peedee a short distance above the mouth of Black Creek, leaving much of 
the Welsh Tract in Prince Frederick's.^^ 

The Welsh Tract was a happy afterthought of the administrators of 
the township system. In 1759 it was far the most populous part of the 
middle country, and, next to Williamsburg, the most prosperous. This 
success was due chiefly to the excellent soil, to the fact that swamps were 
neither large nor numerous, to the easy water transportation, and to the 
establishment of experienced settlers from South Carolina and other 
colonies. The part played by the province, though small, was important. 
Without the reservation and the initial bounty the Welsh would have 
come more slowly, probably in smaller numbers, and would have had 
difficulty in establishing so strong a community. On the other hand, the 
privileges accorded the Welsh caused little hindrance to the actual settle- 
ment of other persons. The rich Peedee basin developed Anglican and 
Presbyterian groups as well, contributing to the province not one, but three 
elements, equally vigorous and distinctive in their culture. 

27JCHA, Jan. 30, 31, July 6, 1759, Apr. 17, 1760; Gregg, Old Cheraws, pp. 
163-166, 174-175. 



CHAPTER IX 

Fredericksburg and the Waterees 

From the fall line to its mouth the Wateree runs through a valley which 
is a duplicate of the Congaree basin. The shoals end at the mouth of 
Sawneys Creek and the river begins to wander through a swamp that 
slowly widens until it is five miles across. The upper two-thirds of this 
valley has the appearance of the piedmont, for the sand hills approach 
within a mile or two of the river, but between the hills and the swamp lie 
irregular strips of sandy loam and river bottom, which are as much a part of 
the low country as the swamp or the navigable river itself.^ 

Early in the eighteenth century the Wateree Indians had their villages 
on both sides of the river a few miles below the falls. The first plats 
showed large cleared fields and an "Indian Ditch" in a great bend of the 
river opposite the mouth of Pinetree Creek. After the Yamasee War the 
Waterees removed to the Catawbas, but continued to hunt along the stream 
to its mouth.^ The main path to the Catawbas ran nearly north from the 
Congarees to the west bank of the Wateree, and followed the stream to the 
towns. Another crossed the sand hills from the Congarees to the Wateree 
villages, and joined a less used path up the eastern side of the Santee and 
Wateree. Above Pinetree Creek this eastern path forked, one route fol- 
lowing the river, the other the ridge between the valleys of the Wateree 
and Lynches River.^ 

Such a gateway called for the protection of a township, although the 
danger was not great. For settlers there was the advantage of the Catawba 
trade and the fact that this was the best route from the back country of 
the more northern colonies. In June 1733 instructions were given for 
surveying the township at the mouth of the Wateree, but later the selection 
of the site was entrusted to the surveyor, who in February 1734 laid off 
Fredericksburg on the east side of the river with the mouth of Pinetree 
Creek as the center of its western line, and the site of the proposed town.* 

^Bureau of Soils, Sumter, Richland, Field Operations, 1919 (Washington, 
1925), Kershaw. 

^Mooney, Siouan Tribes, p. 81; JCHA, Feb. 27, 1738, Apr. 20, 1744; H. Moll, 
Neiv Map of the North Parts of America . . . (1720), P, IV, 400, V, 27, 108. 
Compare Mills, Atlas of S. C, Kershaw District. 

^Haig, Map of the Cherokee Country; P, IV, 118, 134, V, 353, 383, 430, VII, 
252, 319, VIII, 605. 

^JC, June 7, Dec. 6, 1733; see copy of the plat in T. J. Kirkland and R. M. 
Kennedy, Historic Camden, Pt. I, (Columbia, 1905), opposite p. 10; see also JC, 
Oct. 5, 1744, and P, VIII, 343. 

99 



100 The Expansion of South Carolina 

It is possible that the Indian trade had already tempted settlers to the 
spot, for in 1736 when a family was killed near Pinetree the report referred 
to "Neighbours" dwelling thereabout. Apparently the murder was done 
by the Cheraws who lived with the Catawbas, and a lieutenant and eight 
men were sent to range to the rear of the settlement. A year later the 
Waterees objected to the settlement on their lands, and their "flagrant and 
insolent Behaviour" caused the sending of Colonel Henry Fox as agent to 
bring them to terms. He was also given command of the six rangers 
provided. Neither this formidable force nor the threat to bring the 
Senecas upon them availed, and they were not quieted until, on the lieu- 
tenant-governor's suggestion, some of their headmen were invited to 
Charleston for a conference.^ 

The beginning of township settlement is indicated by the advertisement 
of the commissary-general in January 1737 for fifteen hundred bushels of 
corn to be delivered at Fredericksburg before September next. Probably 
among the prospective settlers thus provided for were Adam Strain, David 
Alexander, James McGowen, Hugh McCutchin, and Michael Harris, for 
in February of that year they were given warrants for land in the township, 
their tracts ranging in size from fifty to three hundred acres. It was doubt- 
less the failure of the bounty fund which delayed the surveys, and not until 
ten years later, when settlers began to arrive in considerable numbers, did 
these men bestir themselves to secure titles to their lands. The names and 
the fact that some of the grants carried the ten-year exemption from quit 
rents given to bounty immigrants indicate that they were part of the 
Scotch-Irish movement which founded Williamsburg, but it is not certain 
that they actually settled on the Wateree. In 1737 several Switzers from 
John Tobler's group were assigned to Fredericksburg, but they do not 
appear in the township.® 

Alexander Rattray, Gentleman, who was probably from Charleston or 
nearby, settled on the Wateree about 1739. He bought land, and did not 
apply on his own rights until 1749 when he had a wife and eight slaves. 
His plat was surveyed near Swift Creek in the lower part of Fredericks- 
burg.^ Nine applicants for land in 1743 and 1744, among them Jeffrey 
Summerford a Pennsylvanian, had plats surveyed at various points on the 
river or the creeks in and near the township. In the latter year twelve 
settlers signed a petition in behalf of Charles Radcliffe's request for land 

^JUHA, Dec. 17, 1736, Feb. 23, 1738, Nov. 20, 1740; JCHA, Feb. 24, 25, 27, 
Mar. 1, 2, 1738, Feb. 17, 1741, Jan. 19, 1742. 

^SCG, Jan. 22, 1737 (advt. of Peter Taylor); Kirkland and Kennedy, His- 
toric Camden, Pt. I, 68; P, IV, 461, V, 50, 204; Grants, XLII, 314, 362, 366. 
Adam Strain, or another of his name, was in Williamsburg in 1743 (PR, XXI, 
99 — above, p. 81, n. 6). For the Switzers see "Tobler Manuscripts", pp. 87-88. 

'^ SCG, Nov. 16, 1753 (advt. of Edward Richardson); SCHGM, XIII, 213; 
Register of St. Philip's, p. 172; JC, Oct. 5, 1744, Feb. 23, 1749; P, V, 50. Note 
also plats of William and Robert Seawright (P, IV, 512-513). Neither, however, 
appears in the township — see Salley, Orangeburg, pp. 112, 140. 



The Eastern Townships 101 

on which to build a mill, and about twice as many a similar petition for 
Paul Harrelson. The names of only four of the petitioners are given, 
but the numbers indicate that the Wateree settlers were slower than 
most others in applying for warrants. Radclifife was promised by the 
governor and council fourteen pounds if he completed his mill within two 
years. He made a dam on Sims Creek, below the township line, but ap- 
pears to have gone to Georgia before he built the mill. Harrelson, how- 
ever, reported in March 1745 that he had completed his mill, and was 
given seven pounds from the township fund.^ 

In 1746 there were four warrants for land in Fredericksburg, one of 
which was given to Benjamin McKennie, an immigrant from the north, who 
had in his household nine whites and three negroes. He selected land on the 
river near Sims Creek, and later added a small tract adjoining which he 
said would afford him a good landing. John Hope of Black River applied 
for land — perhaps for his son who was later a resident near Pinetree Hill 
— on rights including three slaves.^ In 1747 a warrant was given to John 
McConnel who had been in the province for five or six years; because of 
his poverty he was relieved from paying the fees. Within three years 
warrants were granted to Daniel McDaniel, who was from Williamsburg 
and had thirteen slaves, and to Bryan Rork, a bricklayer from West 
Jersey.'" 

The land below the shoals on the west side of the Wateree, despite the 
fact that it was hemmed in by river and sand hill, early attracted planters 
and small farmers from the low country and other settlers from elsewhere. 
From point to point as the river, winding through its wilderness, thrust 
an elbow towards the upland, or paralleled it for a considerable distance, 
there were provided inviting spots or terraces. Below the sand hills and 
extending several miles below and above the great "raft" of trees which 
choked the channel of the river ten miles from its mouth, there was a 
stretch with soil like that on Buckhead and Lyons Creeks of Amelia Town- 
ship. Near the raft as late as 1750 there was an Indian hunting camp, 
probably of the Waterees." 

In 1742 Joseph Hasfort, a Cherokee trader who after his retirement 
seems to have lived in Orangeburg, had two hundred acres surveyed a mile 
above the raft. Richard Singleton in 1733 applied for two warrants which 
were surveyed immediately above Hasfort's. This, however, was not done 

8 JC, Oct. 5, 1743, Oct. 5, Nov. 29, 1744, Mar. 14, IS, 1745, Nov. 20, 1746, Feb. 4, 
Sept. 1, 1752; P, IV, 221, 436, 480, V, 125, VII, 145. For location compare also 
Kirkland and Kennedy, Historic Camden, Pt. I, opp. p. 69. 

9JC, Nov. 20, 1746, Mar. 18, 1749, Sept. 1, 1752; P, IV, 438, V, 418, SCG. 
June 30, 1746 (advt. of John Hope); SCAGG, July 4, 1766 (advt. of John N. 
Oglethorpe) ; for the other two warrants see JC, Nov. 20, 1746 (Anne Dugette), 
and Apr. 15, 1749 (John Tyler). 

I'^JC, May 14, Nov. 28, 1747, June 9, 1748, Jan. 24, 1749. 

" See Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C, Faden, Map of S. C, and P, VI, 75, 362, 
VII, 93, Bureau of Soils, Richland, above, p. 42. 



102 The Expansion of South Carolina 

until 1750 and the year before John Pearson laid off seven hundred acres 
for him on the swamp, probably some distance above, the plat showing a 
large cleared field, a house and two outhouses. Timothy Puckett moved to 
this section probably from land acquired in Amelia in 1736, and lived here 
for a time before he turned his attention to the valley of Stevens Creek/^ 
Henry and Anne Dungworth were married in Charleston in 1748, but in 

1751 it was Anne who appeared before the governor to ask for a warrant 
for two hundred acres on the Wateree, explaining that her husband could 
not come to town because of the debt in which he was involved. Since 
their marriage triplets had been born to them. The warrant was granted 
with all fees paid from the township fund. In time Henry effected a truce 
with the government, if not with his creditors, for two or three years later 
he was acting as constable.^^ Above Singleton's land, and near the mouth 
of Colonels Creek, Colonel Henry Fox established himself and apparently 
gave his title to the creek. He had lived in South Carolina four years be- 
fore his mission of 1737 to the Catawbas, and perhaps about that time 
made his home on the Wateree. James McGirt from the low country was 
living further up the river in 1741 and became in time justice of the peace." 

Twenty miles above these settlements a terrace of silt loam opposite 
the mouth of Pinetree Creek attracted Roger Gibson, formerly a Williams- 
burg planter, and Anthony Wright and his nephew Luke Gibson, who had 
low country connections. Their plats were surveyed in 1748 and 1749, 
and Gibson was appointed justice of the peace and captain of one of the 
Wateree militia companies. His warrant was based on the headrights of 
two children and eight slaves; his plat lay within a great bend of the river 
and included a large cleared Indian field. ^^ John Todd, from Pennsylvania 
and North Carolina, had a plat surveyed on rights which included three 
slaves. The ever-widening swamp below Gibson's land had little appeal 
save to men who could take up large tracts ; here James Michie of Charles- 
ton, a member of the Commons House and a large landholder, had twenty- 
five hundred acres surveyed ; near him there was laid out a thousand acres 
for James McCrellas and five hundred for John and William Scott. The 

12JUHA, Nov. 14, 1734; JCHA, May 24 1734; Salley, Orangeburg, pp. 96, 
98; JC, Jan. 23, 1748; P, V, 42, 439, VI, 145. For Puckett see P, XIX, 290, below 
p. 129, n. 34, and paths and adjoining names P, VI, 91, 362. 

'^^ Register of St. Philip's, p. 189, JC, Sept. 3, 1751, P, V, 341, JCHA, Jan. 28, 
1754. 

^* For Fox see JC, Jan. 1, 1754; for the location see Lindsay's plat (P, V, 412) 
and Richardson's (P, VI, 329), the latter being Toland's advertised June 19, 1767 
(SCG). For McGirt, see Register of St. Philip's, p. 163; JCHA, Feb. 25, 1741, 
Jan. 16, 1755; SCG, June 8, 1747; P, IV, 313, VI, 352; note path to McGirt's, 
P, VII, 363. For Fox and McGirt see also JUHA, May 8, 1754, JC, Mar. 16, 1745, 
Mav 16, 1751, May 5, 1752, Aug. 5, 1755, May 4, 1756; P, V, 452; SCG, Dec. 18, 

1752 (advt. of McGirt). 

1^ Bureau of Soils, Kershaw; JC, Jan. 31, Oct. 21, 1746, Jan. 23, Mar. 10, 1748, 
Aug. 6, 1751; P, IV, 400, 437, 496, V, 27; JUHA, Jan. 22, 1745, May 3, 1748, JC, 
Jan. 24, 1749, May 13, 1751. 



The Eastern Townships 103 

Scotts were early resident on the Wateree, and William Scott married the 
widow of McCrellas/^ 

During 1749 there were over sixty surveys in Fredericksburg and on 
the west side of the river between the falls and Colonels Creek. This was 
twice as many as for any year prior to the Cherokee War. Even more 
than in the case of the earlier warrants, these were for actual settlers. 
Gibson's militia company more than doubled in number from 1749 to 
1751, and at the latter date his and Rattray's together had a hundred and 
eighty-odd men. For the time the movement spent itself, and during 1750 
there were not a dozen warrants. In 1751 there was an increase, but the 
Indian troubles of the spring of that year alarmed the Waterees almost as 
much as Saluda and Ninety Six. The assembly provided for two troops of 
rangers; the captains, Gibson and John Fairchild of the Congarees, were 
instructed to trace the same route, but in opposite directions, from the 
Catawbas to the Congarees and Ninety Six. In eight days Gibson com- 
pleted his troop of twenty-two, all but six of them represented in Wateree 
land records either in person or by others of their names. Rattray ap- 
peared before the governor and council and reported that his neighbors had 
enforted themselves; that ten families had gone to Virginia, and that many 
others wished to leave. He set forth the pains at which he had been to 
keep the people together, "using both Perswation and threats," but what 
favor he might have gained with the governor by this was probably lost 
by his blunt statement "That he apprehends if some other Method be not 
taken with the Cherokees the making them Presents & paying them 
Tribute, instead of their being Tributary to us, there will be no Living in 
these out parts." It soon became evident, however, that the Waterees was 
too far to the east to be in great danger.^^ 

In October 1751 a small immigration of Quakers from Ireland brought 
Sam.uel Wyly and Josiah Tomlinson to the Waterees. They applied for 
two hundred and fifty and four hundred and fifty acres, respectively; 
Wyly had three servants, Tomlinson four. Early in November four others 
of this group, Robert Millhouse, Samuel Russell, John Wyly, and Timothy 
Kelly, petitioned for warrants, Millhouse having five servants and Kelly and 
Russell two each. Joseph Evans applied for land in 1752 affirming as a 
Quaker; in 1753 two other Irish Quakers, Joshua English and John 
Dixon, profited by the settlement act of the year before to produce Quaker 
certificates of sober character, and were given the bounty. The next year 

i^For Todd, see JC, Jan. 24, 1749, P, V, 27 (path on Gibson's plat), 90, 
Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 87; for Michie see JC, Mar. 15, 1750, JCHA, May 7, 1752, 
P, V, 92, SCGCJ, Aug. 12, 1766; for McCrellas and Scott see P, IV, 399, 479, JC, 
Aug. 6, Sept. 3, 1751. See also John Scott's advertisement, SCG, Mar. 20, 1742. 

i^JC, May 13, 22, 1751, Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 65, 87, below, pp. 121-123. 
Rattray became bankrupt in 1753; in 1767 he was living further up the valley on 
Rocky Creek {SCG, Nov. 16, 1735— advt. of Edward Richardson, JC, Mar. S, 
1754, Sept. 7, 1762, Sept. 1, 1767). 



104 The Expansion of South Carolina 

six families of Irish Protestants — apparently not Quakers, for they took 
the oath — were given warrants for from one to two hundred acres with 
bounty. They had come by way of England and Philadelphia and de- 
clared themselves much reduced by the expense of the trip. They settled 
on both sides of the river in or near the township. At least three other 
families, probably all from Ireland, received the bounty later.^^ 

Samuel Wyly bought land above Swift Creek, opposite Friends' Neck, 
finding it "of great use to himself & Friends," and perhaps made his home 
here for a while.^^ In 1752 he obtained a warrant for three hundred acres 
and in 1755, on the rights of six slaves, another for three hundred more. 
His home in 1759 was "Mount Pleasant", near Pinetree Hill which is in 
the lower part of the present city of Camden. By 1753 he was surveying 
land, and the supplies furnished by him to the Catawbas indicate that he 
kept an inn, perhaps an inn and store. He was appointed justice of the 
peace and stood high in the favor of governors."" In 1761 he had a survey 
made of six hundred and fifty acres running in an irregular tract from 
Little Pinetree Creek north of Pinetree Hill over to the river. The plat 
showed a pond on the creek with two millraces, one supplying a sawmill, 
the other a gristmill. The Pinetree Hill store in 1760 is spoken of as 
belonging to Joseph Kershaw, the Pinetree member of the Charleston firm 
of William Ancrum, Aaron Loocock and Lambert Lance, which evidently 
began its investment in Wateree land with Ancrum's plat of 1758. Ker- 
shaw and his brother Ely, later associated with him, are said to have come 
from Great Britain to Charleston.^^ 

Robert Millhouse, Samuel Russell and Timothy Kelly executed their 
rights on the west side of the river ten miles from Pinetree Hill, in the 
bend below the mouth of Gum Swamp, which immediately came to be 
called Friends' Neck. These plats were largely swamp, however, and the 
next year Kelly declared that on examining his he could not find there 
"any place whereon to build a home conveniently," and on the rights of 
three children obtained another warrant which he had surveyed on Saw- 
neys Creek at the falls." Millhouse likewise seems to have preferred 
higher ground, for in six months from his first warrant he applied for land 
on Pinetree Creek, a mile from its mouth, where he built a gristmill and, 

i^C, Oct. 25, Nov. 5, 6, 1751, Apr. 7, Aug. 7, 1753, Dec. 7, 1754, Oct. 21, 1755, 
June 7, 1757; see also SCG, July 23, 1753, and above p. 29, P, VI, 22, 34, 97-98. 

■■^^ JC, Feb. 4, 1752; the location can be made out from the plats of Hope and 
Kelly (P, VI, 32, IV, 457). 

20 JC, Dec. 5, 1752, Dec. 5, 1755; Indian Books, VI, 181-182; JCHA, Mar. 31, 
1757, May 12, 1758; P, V, 351; SCG, Dec. 22, 1759; Kirkland and Kennedy, 
Historic Camden, pt. I, opp. p. 69. 

^'^Ibid. and pp. 11-12, P, VI, 415, VII, 156; Howe, Presbyterian Church, I, 
495-496. Ancrum's plat included Pinetree Hill— P, VI, 353. 

22 P, VI, 56, 115, 244, 355, VII, 247 (the plats and the advertisement of 
Kershaw — SCAGG, June 19, 1767 — show the location; Ancrum's Ferry was later 
included in this neck — see Mills, Atlas of S. C, Kershaw District) ; JC, Aug. 4, 
1752, P, V, 394. 



The Eastern Townships 105 

probably, his home and his sawmill. The inventory of his estate made 
a year later showed him possessed of five slaves, small quantities of wheat, 
barley and indigo seed, and three sets of indigo vats. The gristmill was 
valued at forty pounds, the sawmill at two thirds as much. As early as 
1753 the Quakers had organized a meeting, and to their three trustees 
Wyly in 1759 gave a tract of four acres near Pinetree Hill.'^ 

The warrants and surveys in Fredericksburg and on the west side of 
the lower Wateree between 1737 and 1759 amounted to about twenty 
thousand acres each. Nearly a third of the total consisted of thousand- 
acre tracts for low country planters surveyed in 1759 in the Wateree 
swamp. There were four companies of militia on the Wateree in 1757, 
besides two in the Waxhaws, but two of these, Adanison's and White's, 
were evidently made up of men on the west side above the falls. The one 
which embraced the township, commanded by Joseph McKerthlin with 
Michael Brannon as lieutenant, had seventy-seven white men and listed 
twenty slaves. James McGirt's company, including the lower west side, 
had sixty-three white men, with sixteen slaves.^* The total population thus 
indicated at the time of the return was about eight hundred, a number in 
accord with the headrights represented in the warrants, and in 1759 it was 
probably at least nine hundred. 

The majority of the warrants were surveyed on the river, most of the 
others on the larger creeks, and until the last few years of the period it was 
seldom that one was surveyed away from any stream. There were a 
score of Germans. Of all the settlers only about thirty gave their origin — 
eight from Pennsylvania, six from Virginia, twelve from other colonies to 
the north, or from the "northward". Among them was John Collins who 
came from Long Island with his wife and five children, bringing a wagon, 
plow, "and tools proper to make Wheat and Flour." The trip took twenty 
weeks. He said that he left eight families on the Yadkin who were coming 
to South Carolina if they could be sure that they could have six months in 
which to take up the lands on which they might settle. Another settler 
from the north, William Smith, bought a tract already improved with a 
log house on it. Only five applicants stated that they were from South 
Carolina, but it is probably that at least a dozen others if not more were 
from the coast. For instance James Gamble declared that he was from 
New York, and applied for land for himself, wife, seven children, and 
three slaves; it turned out, however, that he was from Williamsburg and 

23 JC, May 5, 1752; P, VI, 56; SCG, Oct. 24, 1761 (advt. of William Far- 
rell) ; Wills, 1752-1756, pp. 391-392; Inventories, 1753-1756, p. 405; S. B. Weeks, 
Southern Quakers and Slavery (Baltimore, 1896), p. 114, Kirkland and Kennedy, 
Historic Camden, pt. I, 77-81. 

-* JC, May 4, 1757. For Adamson, see below p. 232; his lieutenant is listed as 
James Co'b, but the index to Plats shows that it is Cobb, whose land was on 
Rocky Creek, Catawba (JC, Aug. 2, 1757, P, VI, 297). White's land has not 
been found, but the small number of slaves in his company indicates that it was 
on the upper Wateree. See also below, p. 142. 



106 The Expansion of South Carolina 

was entitled to four hundred acres only. Edward Howard, his neighbor, 
was also from Williamsburg.^^ 

The plats of the 'fifties, like those of the preceding decade, show the 
difference in the needs of the small farmers and the planters. Those who 
had servants or slaves and sometimes those who had large families selected 
the river bottom below the fall line, where they found swamp, rich soil and 
high ground. This is sometimes shown in the 1759 plats for low country 
planters which were tracts of five hundred or a thousand acres, two or 
three miles long lying entirely in the great swamp. The warrants indicate 
that there were perhaps fifty slaves in Fredericksburg in 1759, most of 
them in the lower portion, and nearly a hundred on the west side of the 
river. The small farmers settled in the center and the northern part of 
the township, where the narrow river bottom left ample space for a house 
and cornfield. The heat and apparent danger of sickness may have been 
additional reasons why immigrants from the north avoided the swamp. 
Thus the upper part of the Wateree valley, piedmont in its soil, became 
small farm in its industry, while the lower portion showed a beginning of 
the plantations and their crops. A petition of the inhabitants in 1752 listed 
wheat, barley, oats, rye, peas, flax, hemp, and indigo as the products their 
land produced successfully, also butter, cheese, pork, beef, and tallow. 
Joseph Kershaw or his partners in Charleston in 1760 advertised fine 
Carolina flour from Pinetree Hill, and in 1763 a quantity of hemp seed to 
be sold from either point. The Waterees took the lead in the process that 
was by 1763 to drive most of the northern flour, save the superfine grade, 
from the Charleston market. Cattle and stock were doubtless important 
throughout the valley. The 1752 inventory of John Scott's estate, which 
included ten negroes, listed about a hundred and seventy cattle, sixteen 
hogs, twenty-eight horses, and no other property save furniture and tools. 
Scott had a rifle-gun, a set of silver shoe and knee buckles and clasps, three 
books, a tablecloth, two pewter dishes, six plates, and six each of knives, 
forks, and spoons.^*^ 

In response to the petition of 1752 the assembly appropriated a hundred 
pounds for clearing the river of the rafts of timber obstructing it, and di- 
rected that if the sum proved insufficient a tax of seventeen pence a hundred 
acres should be levied on all absentee owners of lands within ten miles of the 
river above the raft. The road called for by the petition, from Beards 
Ferry on the Santee nearly to the Catawba nation, was ordered built by 
the usual labor levy; later plats show that by 1755 it had been cleared to 

25 JC, Jan. 14, 1744, Feb. 6, Mar. 2, 1749, Dec. 3, 1751, Feb. 4, Mar. 3, 1752, 
P, V, 109. 

2«P, VII, 50, 52, 73-75, 77, 81, 91, 93, 124-125; JCHA, May 9, 1752, SCG, July 12, 
Aug. 30, 1760, Sept. 17, 1763 (Charleston news), Nov. 5, 1763, Dec. 29, 1766; 
Inventories, 1751-1753, pp. 457-1-58, 



The Eastern Townships 107 

Pinetree Hill, but apparently not to the Waxhaws before 1760. The 
Wateree was cleared for less than half the sum appropriated, and fourteen 
pounds was reserved for removing future obstructions. There was a path 
on the west side of the river leading to the private ferry over the lower 
Congaree kept by Joseph Joyner, and probably by 1754 a ferry was main- 
tained by Anthony Wright opposite Pinetree Creek, but despite petitions 
the ferries were not made public nor a road authorized until 1766.^^ 

The Waterees seems to have been comparatively free of the rougher 
elements which the Indian trade gathered at the other fall line settlements. 
Only a dozen of the land petitions were signed by mark. After the com- 
plaint of horse thieves in 1745 a rather orderly life prevailed, though there 
were some exceptions. Riots occurred during the rush for lands in 1749 
when the dispossessed claimants attempted to prevent surveys. The poor 
and illiterate Charles Lindsay had settled on the west side of Wateree 
immediately below Colonel Fox in 1748 and built his house near the river. 
He suffered many reverses, but secured a warrant and a survey in 1749. 
Fox, in an attempt to take advantage of his delay in completing his title, 
urgently petitioned for a warrant to the land, piously declaring that his 
chief purpose was to remove as a neighbor one whose principles were 
"Enfattuated by the Common Enemy to mankind". In lieu of this land he 
proposed to present him four hundred acres about forty miles distant which 
would make a much better range. But Lindsay vigorously denied all 
charges of actual wrongdoing, and, whatever influence the common enemy 
had over him, kept his land."^ 

In 1756 the assembly provided a hundred pounds a year for a minister to 
preach at or near Pinetree Hill and six times a year at the most populous 
places within forty miles of that point, but for a decade the salary was un- 
claimed. However, the minister of Prince Frederick's Parish on December 
9, 1753, baptized twenty-three children, most of them belonging to families 
near Pinetree Hill, and it is possible that other ministers also visited the 
section.^ 

For twenty miles northwest of Williamsburg the land is characteristic 
of the lower pine belt, with wide swamps and areas of fine compact sand 
too level for proper drainage, alternating with higher and looser soil of 
more value. For another score of miles above this point, quite to the sand 
hills and embracing the upper waters of Black River, was a stretch of 
slightly rolling country with a loose, sandy loam as good as any the upper 

"Above, p. 44, JCHA, Dec. 12, 1752, Mar. 31, Apr. 4, 16, 1753, May 10, 1754, 
Mar. 16, 17, 25, 1756, July 6, 1759; Stats., VII, 504-506, IX, 186, 199-200, 213-216; 
P, V, 412, 439, VI, 27, 327, VII, 134, 269. 

28 JC, Jan. 24, May 2, Aug. 1, Sept. 6, Oct. 3, 4, Nov. 7, 1749, Mar. 3, Sept. 1, 1752, 
Feb. 5, 6, Apr. 30, 1754, Feb. 2, 1756. 

^ Stats., IV, 20-21, Fulham MSS, N. C, S. C, Ga., No. 72, p. 43, Register . . . 
Prince Frederick, pp. 40-41. 



108 The Expansion of South Carolina 

pine belt afforded. Here the Catawba Indians had hunting camps as late 
as 1748.'° 

In 1744 John Neilson, a Charleston butcher, had two small surveys 
made on Rocky Bluff Swamp and Turkey Creek, and on one of these tracts 
Samuel Neilson made his home. John Hope, who had been fifteen years in 
the province, in 1746 likewise established himself on the upper waters. 
Plats for Williamsburg names begin to appear in 1752, though David 
Anderson had actually settled himself on the "northernmost Branch of 
Black River" — doubtless Stony Run, where his lands were later surveyed — 
as early as 1742; it is probable that others too had ventured to build in this 
secluded part of the middle country without applying for warrants.'^ There 
were at least twenty-five settled near each other chiefly about Stony Run, 
among them Robert Wilson, Hugh Erwin, Henry Cassels, James Bradley 
and James Grimes.'" The tracts were nearly all less than five hundred 
acres in extent. Twenty or thirty others settled on the headwaters of the 
Black, some of whom may have been from Williamsburg. Lynches River 
was only a few miles from Stony Run and a portion of the overflow from 
the township found its way there. 

David Anderson became captain of the militia company on the head of 
Black River and Lynches River, and gave the land for Salem Presbyterian 
Church built about 1759. A year before, on the petition of "the Principal 
Inhabitants of Jeffreys Creek", the governor granted a warrant for three 
hundred acres on or near that creek in trust for a Presbyterian church and 
minister. This church, too, probably owed its origin to migration of Scots 
from Williamsburg.'^ 

Along the east side of the Santee Swamp from Jacks Creek to the mouth 
of the Wateree lay a stretch of sandy loam, four or five miles wide, which 
held great promise for planters who could make use of it and of the nearby 
swamp. Beyond the head of the Santee this strip was in effect continued 
in the reddish sandy soil found in the high ridge paralleling the east bank 
of the Wateree but known as the High Hills of Santee. In December 
1739 the lieutenant-governor proclaimed a two-year reservation of the east 
bank of the Santee and Wateree, from Jacks Creek to Fredericksburg 
township, for settlers from Scotland. The inspiration of this was doubtless 
the arrival in North Carolina in the preceding September of a shipload of 
three hundred and fifty Scots. Others were not won by this invitation, how- 
ever, although the Commons House in 1743 hopefully proposed an exten- 

^° Bureau of Soils, Clarendon, Sumter, Field Operations, 1907 (Washington, 
1909), Lee, JC, June 13, 1748. 

^^ SCG, June 30, 1746, June 23, 1759 (advts. of David Anderson, Henry Ravenel 
et al.) ; P, IV, 425, 454; JC, Nov. 20, 1746. 

32 See P, V, 357, 386, 400, 464, 468, VI, 23, 93, 164, 218 and the names on the 
plats adjoining. The names may be identified from the petition of JUHA, May 
3, 1748. See also SCHGM, XXVI, 122-123. 

3'' See P, V, 282, 468, and JUHA, May 3, 1748; Howe, Presbyterian Church, 
I, 327, 412-413; JC, May 4, 1757, May 30, 1758. 



The Eastern Townships 109 

sion of the time and the reservation of land near Williamsburg for Protes- 
tants from Ireland.^* 

Development of the district therefore waited upon the planters who were 
during the 'thirties and 'forties moving into the region north and east of 
the Santee. Most of these settlers, among them John and Josiah Cantey, 
were from the older coast country, but Richard Richardson came from 
Virginia and in 1736 married Mary Cantey. He did not petition for land 
until 1744; his three hundred acres, surveyed at Halfway Swamp, showed 
his house on the road to Fredericksburg Township.^'' In 1749 George 
Russell, who claimed to be an inhabitant of the "North Britain tract", as 
the Wateree reservation was called, declared to the governor and council 
that there were several families from Virginia and Pennsylvania settled 
there, and that many others were planning to come to South Carolina. He 
asked for a reservation of land for a glebe which, by attracting a minister, 
would also draw most of his congregation. Accordingly five hundred acres 
was reserved for this purpose for a Scotch or Presbyterian congregation. 
The land was surveyed in the High Hills, but nothing more is heard of 
Russell or his congregation. Between 1745 and 1759 about seventy plats 
were surveyed between Halfway Swamp and Fredericksburg Township, 
chiefly about the High Hills. Among these was one for John Dargan on 
Shanks Creek, near the mouth of the Wateree. At his death in 1767 it 
had on it a gristmill and was well equipped for the culture of rice, for it 
was described as good swamp easily overflowed, ten acres under dams. On 
a nearby tract he had two sets of indigo vats. The militia organization 
combined these men with a portion of the upper Black River settlers, with 
Isaac Brunson of the High Hills as captain and Richardson as lieutenant of 
the company of one hundred and twentj'-five. There were sixty-two slaves 
listed. Richardson was shortly afterwards made colonel of a regiment of 
the militia.^*' 

This Santee and High Hills section was sufficiently Anglican to secure 
for itself one of the three parishes granted the middle country before the 
Revolution and two of the four members in the Commons House from that 
section. St. Mark's Parish was established in 1757, Richardson, James 
McGirt, Matthew Neilson and three of the Canteys being made commis- 
sioners for building the church, which was eventually put near Richardson's 
home." 

3^ Bureau of Soils, Clarendon and Sumter; JUHA, Dec. 14, 1739; JCHA, Dec. 
15, 1739; SCG, Dec. 29, 1739 (proclamation; the reservation was ten miles wide) ; 
P, VII, 67; Col. Recs. of N. C, IV, 489 (compare SCG, Apr. 11, 1740). 

^^SCHGM, XI, 203-204, 213; JC, Oct. 5, 1744; P, IV, 291, 525; SCG, Aug. 
31, 1747 (advt. of Thomas Monck). 

*«JC, July 4, 1749, Sept. 3, 1754, May 4, 1757, Oct. 1, 1759; P, IV, 421, VI, 15, 
VII, 67; SCAGG, Feb. 27, 1767 (Provost-Marshal's advt.). 

^' Stats., IV, 35-37, JCHA, Jan. 30, 1759, Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C. 



I 

I 



THE SETTLEMENT OF THE 
BACK COUNTRY 



cr 

h 

< V 

^ '^ 

CD 




The Settlement of the Back Country 

By 1759 South Carolina settlement, following the rivers of the middle 
country, had largely realized Governor Johnson's plan. As though by a 
seven-fingered hand the tidewater had laid hold upon the entire coastal 
plain, and by its economic and social system bound the region securely to 
itself. Meanwhile for twenty years forces of expansion, much the same as 
those which had settled the lower and upper pine belts, had been filling up 
the piedmont. Already, however, it was apparent that this was a section 
fundamentally different from the plain below the sand hills, and the grave 
problems which were in store for the South Carolina government were even 
now faintly foreshadowed. 

Soil, topography, climate and distance from the coast all had their part 
in marking out a different development for this "up country", as it later 
came to be called. Originally it was a low plain of sand and clay, with its 
seashore the line of great sand banks which later became the sand hills. As 
the ocean receded to its present position, the rivers deepened their valleys 
across the piedmont plain which now became a plateau, carved into 
rectangles and triangles by the parallel or converging streams. A thou- 
sand creeks cut through the edges of these valleys, sometimes reducing them 
to gentle slopes, but near the large streams making veritable little mountain 
ranges. The desirable land thus came to lie upon two levels, the river 
valley with its adjoining creek bottoms, and the long parallel stretch of 
plateau with its ridges that reached out and interlaced with the arms of the 
valley. The river sometimes ran through a wide basin, then again between 
steeply sloping sides, while the upland stretches in turn might be several 
miles wide or mere ridges from which one could look down a creek bottom 
in either direction to a river. 

113 



114 The Expansion of South Carolina 

This was the topography of the piedmont — infinitely complicated in 
detail, but simple in plan and impressive in the constantly recurring sweep 
of valley and ridge. Later generations were to see many of these hillsides 
cleared and abandoned, lonely as sand hill or pine barren, with all the larger 
streams reddened or yellowed by the clay poured into them. But the new- 
comer saw clear waters and the varied unbroken green of the great forest 
of oak, hickory and pine.^ 

The soil of these hills and plateaus compared favorably with any but 
the very best in the province. The surface was a mold, rich, though of no 
great thickness, laid down by the hardwood trees. The valleys of the 
rivers and larger creeks were even more fertile, for in them had slowly ac- 
cumulated an alluvium of washings from the hills. While the surface 
mold was of fundamental importance in the settlement and early develop- 
ment of the piedmont, it was the prevailing clay subsoil which was later to 
determine its history. This clay, really a mixture of sand and clay, ranged 
in depth from a few inches to many feet, and was derived from the weather- 
ing of rocks, chiefly granite and the kindred gneiss. When comparatively 
level ground was cleared the surface drainage slowly carried away the 
clay, often leaving several inches of sandy loam like that of the coastal 
plain. On unprotected slopes, however, no sand could accumulate, and 
the clay was swept off in sheets or eaten out in gullies. 

The clay, especially where it had a coating of sand, formed an ideal 
foundation for the mold which lay upon the surface, the sand keeping the 
earth porous and well drained, the clay holding moisture. Unfortunately 
this combination was easily destroyed. On level ground the subsoil was 
secure, but the surface soil was soon exhausted, and on the slopes both were 
quickly washed away.^ 

The piedmont, even at its lower edge, rose two hundred feet above the 
coastal plain, and was free from swamps. In consequence the air in sum- 
mer was cooler and less sultry than that of the low country, and its climate 
more healthful. This was probably the chief attraction to the immigrant 
from Europe and the northern colonies. But however conducive the 
region might be to health and comfort, it held little promise of wealth for 
the early eighteenth century settler. By neither soil nor climate was it well 
adapted to the staples of the day. Far worse than this were the difficulties 
in the way of transportation. Each river made its exit from the piedmont 
by tumbling over a series of rocks ; a dozen other shoals lay back of this 

^ See, for instance, Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 22-23. That treeless spots were 
rare is shown by the early plats, which seldom lacked trees to mark all lines. 

^ See Bennett, Soils and Agriculture, pp. 147-148; Bureau of Soils, Field 
Operations, 1902, 1909, 1911, 1921 (Washington, 1903, 1912, 1914, 1926), Abbe- 
ville Area, Anderson, Fairfield, Greenville; Phillips, Life and Labor, pp. 5, 9-10. 
For contemporary descriptions of this and similar areas, see American Husbandry, 
I, 388-389, Tra'vels of William Bartram, pp. 318-328; compare Adelaide L. 
Fries, Records of the Moravians in North Carolina (4 vols., Raleigh, 1922-1930), 
I, 44-60. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 115 

point, and navigation even with small boats was so tedious and dangerous 
that early settlers found pack train and wagon preferable. Land trans- 
portation in turn faced great obstacles, for roads paralleling the rivers 
crossed many creeks, some deep and nearly all with steep banks. The best 
routes were along the ridges between the rivers, but these ran at a distance 
from the desirable land of the river bottoms. Thus the corn, wheat or 
cattle which the piedmont could produce so well and which the rice planta- 
tions could afford to buy must be carried or driven from one to three 
hundred miles to market, and there sold in well-nigh hopeless competition 
with similar products from the upper or lower pine belts or from Pennsyl- 
vania. Therefore the piedmont remained in isolation — a back country 
indeed — until the slow coming of the canal, railroad, and cotton. 



/ The Fiv-Jt NineVy 5i)f 

■3 Ni-n^fy Sl)/ CoLcrthouse, 1 77Z. 
ABC LaKdi of Rpbert Qc^udet/ 

P ^ ^ 
ScQ.le.of Mcl«.i 




Map 6 



The: Northwest frontier 






Prior Sai-vejj "at 
CoroTvo-Ca" ' 
Pricr Su.ri/ey^ fOr 

H a-na a t C IV 

NiT\e.Vw Silx-5ee Inset Ma^ 



Re-f erence-s; for tKe. &re.Q.t Jclv rey, Ch^- 

ter Z, K. i*^: f ">- tl\e. tPw;nsUipo, ClvccJ^^er ZET, 

noiej xJO.d'f; for w.i\«.ty 5i)f, CKcvf ter X, n->3. 



5caVe of M, lej 



20 

-i 



CHAPTER X 

The Northwest Frontier 

The movement of settlers into the hills waited for the Carolina popula- 
tion to span the low country — not even the hardiest of frontiersmen cared 
to be more than a day's journey from his fellows. But no sooner was the 
settlement of the upper tier of townships well under way than men began 
to seek the creek and river valleys beyond the fall line. Such was the isola- 
tion of the region, however, that in some portions the Indians and their 
trade largely determined its early history. The Cherokee path along the 
Saluda River first opened the way for back country settlement, but then, 
having been indirectly the means of encouraging expansion, the Indians 
so effectually blocked its progress that the farther end of the path was not 
reached until the whole province east of it had been settled. 

In the early part of the century the chief route to the Cherokees began 
at Fort Moore and followed the eastern side of the Savannah River to the 
Lower Towns. Near the crossing of the path over Stevens Creek John 
Stevens in 1715 maintained a cowpen, the establishment surviving only 
in the name of the stream. This path was half as long again as that which 
ran by way of the Congarees, but so inconsiderable was the trade of the 
Cherokees that they had to depend for their goods upon the center of the 
greater southwestern traffic. By 1730 or earlier some traders, to avoid the 
large streams that fell into the Savannah, were making their way due 
north from Fort Moore along the ridge between the headwaters of Stevens 
Creek and the Little Saluda. Reaching the Saluda valley at the point 
which later came to be called Ninety Six, the path followed an easy course 
along the edge of the narrow western side of that valley until it was within 
fifty miles of Keowee.^ 

By 1740 there was a fundamental change in the situation. The Chero- 
kee trade had become an important factor in the general South Carolina 
expansion, and the traffic turned toward the well settled Congaree and 
Santee valleys which afforded the shorter route, and a wagon road and 

^ See above, p. 10; Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C; P, V, 100, 137, 405; 
Year Book, Charleston, 1894, p. 327; Crane, Southern Frontier, pp. 41, 132, and 
map; JC, Mar. 1, 1744; PR, XIII, 76 (Philemon Parmeter, Oct. 19, 1727, en- 
closed by Middleton, June 13, 1728) ; Swanton, Creek Indians, map 3. For the 
Fort Moore-Saluda path see P, II, 361, IV, 439; for the Congaree-Keowee path 
see Salley, George Hunter's Map, Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C, and compare the 
journal with stream numbers on modern maps. 

117 



118 The Expansion of South Carolina 

river navigation to Saxe Gotha town.^ Enterprising men tried to anticipate 
the needs of the trade and advancing population by taking up land at what 
promised to be trading posts. Major Hugh Butler in 1736, a year before 
he went as agent to the Cherokees, had a hundred and twenty-three acres 
surveyed "at a place commonly called and known by the name of Saludy 
Old Town, at the Cherokee Path", but there is no evidence that he made 
any use of it. It was Thomas Brown who shrewdly selected the strategic 
center of the western piedmont and in 1738 had George Haig survey for 
him two hundred acres where the Congaree and Savannah Town paths 
met. This was on the south side of what was then called Ninety Six 
Creek, but now Henleys, about half a mile above its junction with the 
stream now called Ninety Six, and five miles from the river.^ Traders 
coming from the Congarees by turning so far to the left avoided the lower 
and deeper portions of Wilsons Creek. Ninety Six was the trader's esti- 
mate of the number of miles from Keowee, the nearest Cherokee town, and 
appears on George Hunter's map of the path made in 1730.* It was the 
point selected by Major Butler, however, which had the earliest develop- 
ment. From a short distance above the mouth of the Little Saluda quite 
to Ninety Six the valley of the river offered good bottom land in rather 
generous stretches. Added attractions were the Cherokee path, which 
came close to the bank, and a ford over the river nearby. The west bank 
near the mouth of Terrapin Creek was the former home of the Saluda 
Indians, and over two centuries after their departure to Pennsylvania the 
name Saluda Old Town clings to the spot.° 

It is probable that as early as 1740 some settlers had established them- 

2 See above, p. 58, below, pp. 170, 191. 

3P, IX, 376, JCHA, Oct. 3, 1737, JC, June 29, 1737. For Ninety Six see 
Map 6, inset. 1 is on Brown's 1738 plat (P, II, 361); 2 is on Robert Goudey's 
land — see below, p. 219 and note the Simpson-Murray plat (below, p. 127) ; for 3 
see Stats., IV, 325, maps in William Johnson, Life and Correspondence of 
Nathanael Greene (2 vols., Charleston, 1822), II, opposite p. 140, and John 
Drayton, Memoirs of the American Revolution (2 vols., Charleston, 1821), I, 
opposite p. 389. A, B, C are plats surveyed for Thomas Nightingale, William 
Dargan and Robert Goudey (P, V, 431, VII, 349, VIII, 450); notations and 
lines of the plats and Goudey's advertisement in SCAGG, Nov. 4, 1774, show that 
he acquired the other two. Brown's 1744 plat adjoined the southern line of his 
1738 survey (P, IV, 268), but was ignored by later surveyors (see P, VII, 181, 
VIII, 450). 

* The original of the Hunter map is in the Library of Congress; attention was 
called to it by Professor Verner W. Crane, and it has been printed as George 
Hunter's Map of the Cherokee Country by the Historical Commission of South 
Carolina (Bulletin No. 4, Columbia, 1917). Thomas Brown's plat of 1738 was 
"at a place commonly called and known by the name of Ninety Six" and a 
second adjoining it was laid out for him in 1744 described as "96 miles from the 
Charokee Nation" (PR, XXII, 62— Hunter to Board, May 1, 1745). For two plats 
at the Little Saluda crossing, taken up about 1738, see P, IV, 89 (William Sterling 
and Edward Keating; both were residents of the middle or low country — see JUHA, 
Feb. 26, 1734, and Bennett, "Some Early Settlers of Calhoun County"). 

= Bureau of Soils, Field Operations, 1909, 1918 (Washington, 1912, 1924), 
Saluda, Newberry; P, IV, 439, V, 153, Mooney, Siouan Tribes, p. 83. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 119 

selves on the Cherokee path between the Little Saluda and Ninety Six to 
live by hunting or farming. In June 1746 Governor Glen, attended by 
nearly three hundred men, made a tour of the back country to hold a 
series of conferences with the Indians, and, incidentally, to see the progress 
of the townships. After an interview with the Catawbas at the Congarees 
the party proceeded to Ninety Six, crossing the Little Saluda River, then 
in high water, by swimming the horses and using improvised boats of 
buffalo hides.^ At Ninety Six was held the most important of the con- 
ferences, that with the Cherokees. It is hardly to be doubted that the 
inhabitants were all in attendance at this imposing affair. Among them 
was James Francis, who had lived in the back country of Pennsylvania and 
Virginia, one of the most interesting figures of South Carolina frontier 
history. He furnished five pounds worth of supplies to the governor's 
party at this time. Two years later he disposed of the improvements he 
had made at Saluda Old Town, and in the same year was appointed captain 
of a troop of rangers.' 

This troop, with another which was put under the command of John 
Fairchild, was provided for by the assembly in April 1748 because of the 
capture of George Haig, the murder of a trader in the Cherokees, and 
other threats of an Indian outbreak. Each troop was to consist of fifteen 
men, two of them friendly Indians, and was to serve for four months. 
Within two days after receiving Glen's letter Francis enlisted twelve men, 
"All Living in Saludy Settlements".^ Of the twelve John Turk, Robert 
Lang, Charles Banks, David Ball, John Reed, and Henry Foster received 
warrants in the Saluda valley between 1749 and 1755, and John Foster 
had his plat surveyed in 1767; the other five appear never to have applied 
for land, and in 1748 not one of the troop had either warrant or plat. 
Francis begged the governor to allow him to enlist two more white men in 
place of the Indians, and gave a hint of the occupation of his neighbors by 
saying that "As for their usefulness in hunting for Provision ... I 
Question whether e'er an Indian on the Main can compare with some of 
the Men inlisted, not only in killing Provisions or the like but any other 
Property that an Indian is adapted to." The commander of Fort Moore 
three years later in effect confirmed Francis' argument by his opinion that 
the best way to capture the raiding Iroquois would be to employ the 
"White Hunters ab^ the Congrees and Salude . . . for they are in general 

^See PR, XXI, 266-267 (Reply of Upper House to Commons, Oct. 14, 1743, 
enclosed by Council committee to Board, Apr. 24, 1744) ; note Adair, American 
Indians, p. 236 on the Cherokee silver mine (at this time the Little Saluda was 
usually called the Saluda — see George Hunter's Map); SCG, June 12, 1755; 
PR, XXII, 101, 202-203, 135-136, 154-155, (Glen to Board, May 28, 1745, Sept. 
29, 1746, to Newcastle, Feb. 11, May 3, 1746). 

' JCHA, Feb. 20, 1753, Mar. 6, 1755, JC, June 8, 1748. 

^ Above, p. 58, JC, Mar. 29, 1748 (letters of Minnick, Dexter, Beamer, Max- 
well), Apr. 16, May 11 (letter of Francis), 1748, JCHA, Apr. 8, 1748. 



120 The Expansion of South Carolina 

very expert Woods men but might perhaps exceed their orders as they are 
little more than white Indians".^ 

There are occasional references in the South Carolina as well as the 
Georgia and North Carolina records to men who made their living entirely 
or chiefly by hunting and sale of skins/" but nowhere in colonial South 
Carolina does there appear another community like this. Two of the troop, 
John and Henry Foster, were stepsons of the captain, and presumably came 
from Virginia or Pennsylvania with him. Charles Banks was also from 
the northward, and formerly in the Cherokee trade. Robert Lang and his 
father had land in Saxe Gotha by 1740 and at some time one or both of 
them probably were also traders. Francis himself did not know the 
Cherokee language, and could hardly have been at any time regularly en- 
gaged in that trade, but Henry Foster was familiar with the nation.^^ 

When Francis left Saluda Old Town he established himself at or near 
the crossing of the Cherokee path over Wilsons Creek, ten miles above 
Ninety Six.^^ He became justice of the peace and captain of the militia, 
but his "people" were not always favorably known — "Seven or Eight very 
desperate Fellows", Herman Geiger called them. Despite the fact that 
Francis' influence was strong in this community, his authority was probably 
ill defined. His sole land warrant, sworn to in 1755, was for only a hun- 
dred and fifty acres, and it was probably from hunting and trafficking with 
Indians and whites for skins that he and his henchmen drew most of their 
livelihood. It seems to have been this trade also which brought him into 
debt that he could not pay, and his retirement from Saluda Old Town, it 
was alleged, was to enable him to defend himself against writs. But Francis 
likewise farmed, and a farmer near him was plundered by the Indians in 
1751 who "made a Dreadfull Havock", destroying most "of the Corn then 
Growing, Potatoes, Colwarts Tob^". Another man of this neighborhood 
had five cows killed, four of them milch cows with young calves. In fact, 
the population which depended entirely upon the soil must have far 
exceeded the hunters in number, for Glen in 1751 sent a hundred muskets, 

^JC, Apr. 6, 1749, Apr. 1, June 4, 1751, July 3, 1752, Feb. 1, 1754; P, IV, 502, 
V, 39, 135, 411, VI, 74, VII, 324, IX, 147. 

i°For South Carolina see Stats., IV, 310, JC, Oct. 31, 1766, JCHA, Jan. 7, 
1768, SCG, July 14, 1759, Oct. 30, 1762 (advt. of Lazarus Brown), SCAGG, 
Oct. 2, 1767; for North Carolina, see Fries, Records of the Moravians, I, 46-47, 
50, 58, State Rec. of N. C. (16 vols., Winston and Goldsboro, 1895-1906), XXIII, 
218-219; for Georgia, see Col. Recs. of Ga., VIII, 167, JC, Sept. 16, 1756. 

^^ JC, June 29, 1737; May 7, 11, 23, 1751 (statements of Stephen Crell, Herman 
Geiger, and David Dowey) ; July 3, 1753; Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 12-13 (affidavits 
of William Turner and Charles Banks) ; Adair, American Indians, p. 347; Map 3. 

^ He lived five or six miles from Thomas Davis (Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 
21), who lived twelve miles above Ninety Six on Goudey's Saluda River planta- 
tion {SCG, Sept. 27, 1760). These distances correspond with those on the 
Simpson-Murray plat (below, p. 127). 



The Settlement of the Back Country 121 

a hundred pounds of powder and two hundred pounds of bullets to Francis 
to distribute to those destitute of arms/^ 

James Adair, the Chickasaw trader and later author of the History of 
the American hidianSj recently ruined in the attempt to win the Choctaws 
to the English alliance, graced the household of Francis with his presence 
during 1750 and 1751. He went to the Cherokees in company with Henry 
Foster, the two carrying two kegs of rum and perhaps other Indian trade 
commodities. The principal Indian traders were almost uniformly men of 
such large business interests and important connections that they heartily 
disliked the trouble-making frontiersmen, but the Scotch adventurer, who 
had not yet had his fill of danger nor suffered decline of his own boisterous 
nature, found these "brave Wanton fellows" kindred spirits. "A brave 
chearful companion" he declared Henry Foster to have been, when many 
years later he recalled their trip to the Cherokees, the songs and draughts 
of punch with which they beguiled the dangerous journey. Francis him- 
self was not an uncongenial associate, to judge by hints in Adair's carefully 
written letters to the governor during the 1751 alarm, in which he applied 
for permission to lead these frontiersmen and the New Windsor Chicka- 
saws against the Indian enemies of Carolina. When in his book he lauded 
the virtues and hardihood of the American woodsmen, he could have ranked 
no others in his mind above the traders and "Francis's people" with whom 
he had been most closely associated.^* 

About January 1751 the hunting camp on the Savannah of some 
Cherokees from the Lower Town of Tugaloo was rifled by white men of 
three hundred and thirty-one deerskins. The Indians applied to Francis, 
who gave them a written permission to search houses of men they suspected. 
Charles Banks soon found them "looking and Peeping about his House, 
Something more than Common," but Herman Geiger, now in his short 
term of trading with the Cherokees, reported that he was sure one of the 
Fosters was guilty. Some color was given to this charge by Francis' slow- 
ness in investigating the affair and the opinion of the Cherokees which he 
expressed in private. Unfortunately the affair was speedily followed by a 
crisis in Indian relations, and for a time the injured Tugaloo huntsmen 
were forgotten. Later, after the war scare had subsided, Francis wrote to 
Governor Glen describing the slow and inadequate process of frontier 
justice for Indians. Benjamin Burgess, escaping from arrest for theft of 
the skins, took refuge with John Vann, a former Choctaw trader who now 

^^SCG, Dec. 3, 1750 (advt. of "John" Francis, J. P.); JC, Apr. 2, 1751 (peti- 
tion of John Collier), May 11 (above, n. 11), Aug. 9, 1751, Aug. 5, 1755, May 4, 
1757; PR, XXV, 355 (Glen's letter to one of council, enclosed by him to Board 
Oct. 25, 1753); Miscellaneous Records, MS, Charleston, 1754-1758, p. 159 (Protec- 
tion to Francis, Apr. 9, 1755) ; Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 14-16, 17-23. 

i^See below, pp. 195-197, JCHA, May 16, 1750, JC, May 11, 23, 1751; Adair, 
American Indians, pp. 266, 346-347, 454-455. 



122 The Expansion of South Carolina 

traded irregularly with the Cherokees. Vann maintained an establish- 
ment near Ninety Six Creek of more unsavory character than that of 
Francis — including three negroes, a mulatto and a half-breed Indian — 
"all bearing an Equal Character with Burgess & which I believe there is 
not three Families on Saludy wou'd Suffer any one of them to Remain 
Four & Twenty Hours on their Plantation." Eventually Vann sent one 
of the negroes, ostensibly to seize Burgess in his hunting camp, but really to 
kill him and thus prevent his telling tales. But Burgess, attacked in his 
sleep, escaped with a jaw "very much" broken, and several knife wounds, 
leaving two score deer and beaver skins, a rifle — one of the first mentioned 
in the records of the back country — and two horses. The provincial gov- 
ernment finally assumed responsibility for paying the injured Cherokees for 
the skins.^^ 

The chief episode in the 1751 Indian alarm occurred on a branch of 
the thinly settled Little Saluda. The head of the stream later called 
Clouds Creek was formed by several springs near the crossing of the 
natural routes from the Congarees to Fort Moore and from Ninety Six 
to Orangeburg; for that reason, probably, the place appealed to the retired 
Indian trader Isaac Cloud, and here he made his home. At midnight of 
May 7, 1751, Mary Cloud arrived at the house of Martin Friday, in Saxe 
Gotha, and there gave her narrative on oath before Daniel Scheider, 
captain of the militia company: 

That on the fourth Instant two Indians came to my House about 
Half-way between the Congrees and Savannah Town. The Indians were 
Savannas. They came there about dark, and sate down very civilly; 
and my Husband being able to talk their Tongue they talked a great 
while together, And I gave them Supper. And they asked my Husband 
for Pipes and Tobacco, and he gave it them. And we sate up until 
Midnight, and then we all went to Sleep; and they lay down too and 
pulled off their Mogassens and Boots. One of them broke his Pipe, and 
he came to the Bed to my Husband, who handed unto him his Pipe out 
of his Mouth, and laid down again; and we all dropt into Sleep: and 
when the Cocks began to Crow they came, as I suppose, to the Bed, and 
Shot my Husband through the Head. And a young Man lying upon 
the Floor was Shot in the same Minute. And the Indians, I suppose, 
thinking the Bullet had gone thro' my Husband's Head and my own too, 
struck me with a Tomahawk under my right Arm; and afterwards they 
struck me two Cuts upon the left Knee. I lying still they supposed I 
was dead, and one of them went and killed both my Children; & then 
they came and took the Blankets from us & plunder'd the House of all that 
was valuable and went off. And in that bad Condition I have lain 
amongst my Dead two Days. And by the help of Providence one of my 
Horses came to the House; and so I came to Martin Fridig's House. 

i^ndian Books, II, pt. 2, 12-13, 14-20, III, 7-8; JC, May 11, Aug. 9, Nov. 25, 
1751. For Vann, see P, V, 404, and below, p. 196. A German immigrant brought 
a rifle-gun in 1750 (JC, Mar. 13, 1750) ; see also above, p. 106. At some time 
between 1751 and 1759 Vann was on the Savannah River opposite the mouth of 
the Georgia Broad River (P, VIII, 273, 535). In 1759 he was in Georgia (PR, 
XXVIII, 210— Governor W^illiam Henry Lyttelton to Board, Sept. 1, 1759). 



The Settlement of the Back Country 123 

The Commons was stirred by this and other accounts of raids in the 
northwest to debate so drastic a measure as an expedition of a thousand 
men to punish the Cherokees and their friends, but later thought better of 
it. Meanwhile Mary Cloud had been brought to town, and the House, 
having resolved to pay her expenses, some months later read and approved 
the few bills which finished the story — five pounds to Doctor Chalmers 
for amputating her leg, with other sums to someone else for nursing her and 
to the sexton of St. Philip's for her funeral charges.^® 

The Saluda frontiersmen were rendered desperate by the continued 
danger and uncertainty. At one time they thought of falling upon the 
Indians and thus bringing the matter to open war, at another they threat- 
ened to abandon their homes if the government did not take measures 
to protect them. Four troops of rangers were provided, Francis and his 
neighbors built a fort on his place, and the storm blew over. The captain 
continued to enjoy the confidence of the governor, but his connections were 
not such as to recommend him to the low country as a whole, and when the 
Commons House provided in 1755 for a troop of fifty men to range from 
the Savannah to the Broad, it urged upon Glen the appointment of William 
Gray, veteran of the Spanish war and retired Indian trader, but 
a man of the middle country rather than the frontier. Glen accordingly 
canceled Francis' appointment, and sent the commission to Gray, who was 
then living near Fort Moore. "I have got some Enemies on Account of 
the Commission", the new captain wrote the governor, "but please God 
for to bless me with Health there shall be no cause of Complaint of any 
neglect of my guarding the Out Inhabitants of this Province." Since the 
troop had already been raised under Francis as captain and John Fairchild 
as lieutenant it is not hard to guess who were the enemies. Either they or 
his health speedily proved too much for him, for after only six days service 
he abandoned the command and went home again, with the result that 
Francis was eventually restored to the place.^^ 

Life in Francis' neighborhood and on both sides of the Saluda about 
him appears to have changed very little until after the Cherokee war. 
Below, howev^er, first at Saluda Old Town about 1748 and then at Ninety 
Six half a dozen years later, there had begun a more settled industry and 
society of farmers who owned their lands. For a time there was excellent 
prospect of the immigration of a large number of substantial farmers from 
Virginia to this section. In January 1746 Governor Glen and the council 
read two petitions of John and Thomas Turk and Michael Taylor of 

^^]C, May 11, 1751, JCHA, May 13, 14, 1751, Jan. 9, 15, 23, June 12, 1752. 
For location note the deposition following, and SCG, Oct. 19, 1767 (Charleston 
news), P, V, 425, VI, 401, 420. No record of a warrant or survey for Cloud ap- 
pears. 

1" JUHA, and JCHA, May 9, 1751; Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 195-197; JC, 
May 23, 1751, May 7, 1755; JCHA, Apr. 27, May 10, 14, 1751, Feb. 6, 28, 1755, Feb. 
17, 1756, above, p. 71. 




124 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Augusta County, Virginia, They stated that they had examined the lands 
about Ninety Six, which, according to "the Inhabitants dwelling there- 
abouts", were claimed by the Indians. They asked that the government 
purchase the lands and reserve them for new settlers from the back country 
of Virginia and Pennsylvania, the prospective immigrants to get the usual 
fifty acres a head and some further encouragement. The governor and 
council resolved that the lands should be purchased, and the Commons 
House agreed to a fifteen-year exemption from all provincial taxes save 
that on negroes, the exemption to begin only when one hundred families 
had arrived. The House, in accordance with its policy of compact settle- 
ment, instructed a committee to persuade the agents to select lands nearer 
the settled areas, but the reply was that only the Ninety Six region would 
serve their purpose, as nowhere else could they find land "so healthy in its 
situation so good in its kind or sufficient enough to support such a number 
of them as may be sufficient to make themselves secure against the attempts 
of Indians or other Enemys." John Turk evidently remained to see the 
purchase made from the Cherokees, while Taylor and Thomas Turk went 
back to spread the news and to make preparations for removal.^^ 

But this project, even more than that of the Welsh tract, which it 
closely resembled, was to meet with many difficulties. Relations with the 
Cherokees in 1746 were none too good, and nothing was done about the 
purchase until John Turk, evidently despairing of action, returned to 
Virginia. Thereupon in October the governor and council received from 
the three promoters a letter in which respect for constituted authority 
contended with disgust. "The want of such a purchase has caus'd a War 
& Bloodshed where we now live, which makes the people here afraid of 
falling again into the like crooked Circumstances." The failure of the 
administration "makes the people here believe you want that land settled 
without the charge of a purchase, which they are unwilling to do ... if a 
purchase is made soon, it will clear us, if not, we shall rue that we were at 
any trouble or charge about it." The petitioners seemed resolved to come 
whether or not, but William Baskins, John Pickens, James Lesslie "and 
above 30 other" inhabitants of the back country of Virginia declared that 
they waited for news of the purchase. This letter brought action ; addi- 
tional instructions were given to a recently appointed Cherokee agent, and 
on the twelfth of February 1747 the headmen of the Lower Towns signed 
a deed for the Cherokee lands between Long Canes and Ninety Six, 
defining the new boundary as extending along Long Cane Creek to its 
head, thence to the head of the nearest tributary of the Saluda, along that 
stream to the river, and from that point north to the Catawba-Cherokee 

i^JC, Jan. 9, 10, 14, Oct. 21, 1746; JCHA, Jan. 10, 11, 13, 1746. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 125 

path. The price was a hundred and eighty nine pounds sterling, paid in 
ammunition. 

The effect of this purchase was to hasten settlement on the Cherokee 
path, but the early settlers were the hunters and squatters of Ninety Six 
rather than farmers or planters like the clients of the Turks. The latter 
were probably alarmed by the news of South Carolina Indian troubles and 
went elsewhere or did not come to the province at all. As for the pro- 
moters themselves, left without the support of neighbors, they took up land 
farther down the river. John Turk, who had returned from Augusta 
County in time to serve in Francis's troop in 1748 and the next year, had 
four hundred and fifty acres surveyed just above Terrapin Creek at Saluda 
Old Town. His household included three slaves and an indented servant. 
Thomas Turk does not appear again, but James Turk in 1749 had two 
hundred acres surveyed on the east side of the river nearly opposite John's 
land.'° 

Up to 1752 there were about thirty plats, averaging three hundred 
acres each, surveyed about Saluda and Ninety Six. Among the headrights 
were those of James Maxwell, low country planter and Cherokee trader, 
who had sixteen hundred acres surveyed in a great bend of the Saluda on 
the east side, and of Daniel Burnett, evidently from Charleston, who 
bought Francis' improvements at Saluda Old Town and later had five 
hundred acres run out there. Making allowance for Maxwell's slaves, 
who were probably on his low country plantation, and for the Ninety 
Six hunters, few of whom had warrants, the land records indicate a 
population of about a hundred and eighty. During the 1751 crisis practi- 
cally no warrants were issued for land in the Saluda valley, but settlement 
only awaited the prospect of peace; "the world can Scarcely Exceed us, 
in a more healthy Climate," wrote Francis during the troubles, "more 
Clear and wholesome Waters Running thro' such a beautiful and fruitfuU 
soil. These Blessings wou'd soon Induce thousands to be Partakers, when 
they understand this Government hath taken such Methods with the Indi- 
ans so as they need be under no concern, of fear or danger from them." 
Only a fort in the settlement, or perhaps among the Cherokees, and a stand- 
ing company of rangers, he declared, would make the frontier secure."^ 

Meanwhile the Saluda valley and the adjacent waters of the Savannah 

had become the scene of the largest speculation in land in colonial South 

Carolina. As early as 1737 John Hamilton of London petitioned the 

crown for two hundred thousand acres of land in the province on which to 

^^ JC, Oct. 21, 1746, Mar. 7, 1747; Wallace, History of S. C, I, 447-448; JCHA, 
May 22, 23, 25, June 10, 1747. The agent was George Pawley — below, pp. 194-195. 

20 JC, Apr. 6, Aug. 1, 1749; P, IV, 502, V, 39, 105. For Pickens, Leslie and 
Taylor, see below, pp. 138, 147, 148. 

21 JC, Aug. 20, 1743, P, V, 105, Register of St. Philip's, index, P, IV, 439, JC, 
June 8, 1748, Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 21-23. 



126 The Expansion of South Carolina 

settle a thousand families and to raise wine, olives, coffee, hemp, flax and 
so forth. He claimed to have made agreement with a hundred and forty 
families as prospective settlers. The Board of Trade, however, was not 
satisfied with his proposals or his ability to carry out the settlement and re- 
ported against it. In 1741 William Livingston, who was merely the agent 
for the newly appointed Governor Glen, made a similar proposal for 
himself and "associates", undertaking to settle a thousand persons on two 
hundred thousand acres on the Savannah in ten years. The products he 
had in mind were rice, naval stores, "and in time even Silk and Wine". 
The Board recommended granting the petition, despite the extraordinary 
proportion of two hundred acres per head, in view of the fact that the 
promoters were to meet all expenses of transportation and settlement. The 
crown gave the order, stipulating that there should be settled one white 
person to each two hundred acres.^^ 

For a time the Livingston project languished, probably because of the 
Austrian war and the depression in South Carolina. Meanwhile John 
Hamilton revived his plans, and in 1747 petitioned the crown for half a 
million acres in South Carolina on condition of settling one person per two 
hundred acres. It appeared now that Solomon da Costa, Francis Salvador 
and other Jews had associated themselves with him, in order to settle some 
of their poor in America. However, the unwillingness of da Costa and 
his group to bind themselves to a large initial expenditure caused the 
failure of this petition likewise. In 1749 the Livingston order was re- 
newed and transferred to Hamilton, and the latter, with a family of 
fifty-eight persons — whether servants or slaves does not appear — proceeded 
to South Carolina.^^ In November 1751 Surveyor-General George 
Hunter surveyed the two hundred thousand acres of "Hamilton's Great 
Survey" in four plats of equal area. The tract, nearly eighteen miles on a 
side, extended from the Saluda River far into the valleys of Long Cane and 
Stevens Creeks, and lay immediately above Thomas Brown's 1738 plat. 
The southernmost plat enclosed two surveys already made for John Hamil- 
ton amounting to twelve thousand nine hundred acres.^^ 

22 PR, XVIII, 272-276, 278-280, 304-310, XX, 383-385, 543-545, 581-584 (papers 
on Livingston-Hamilton application, dated, or received by Board, July 29, Aug. 
31, Nov. 17, 1737, Aug. 8, 1741, Feb. 2, Oct. 29, 1742), XX, 338-340, 530-531 
(Journal entries thereon, Aug. 11, Oct. 1, 1741, Jan. 15, 28, 1742). 

23 PR, XXII, 324-329, XXIII, 103-107, 198 (papers dated or received Dec. 7, 
1747, Jan. 12, Mar. 26, Apr. 3, Dec. 13, 1748), XXII, 251-253, XXIII, 1, 31-32 
(entries of Dec. 8, 17, 22, 1747, Jan. 12, Feb. 3, Dec. 8, 13, 14, 1748). 

2^ The second, third and fourth plats are to be found in P, V, between pp. 
506, 509; the lines of the first are in a survey of this tract made for its later 
purchasers (below, n. 25). The location of the lines of the entire Great Survey is 
indicated by the streams and line-trees on the four plats, by the marks on the 
adjoining plats, and by the plats of the following: Richard Oswald (XIX, 97), 
Andrew Williamson (XXI, 490, 491), John McCue (XVIII, 182), Elizabeth 
Campbell (IX, 30), Londonborough Township (below, p. 251). These references 
also show the inaccuracy of the survey. The southeast boundary of the tract 
was surveyed as a N45E line, but appears to have been N40E; compare the 



The Settlement of the Back Country 127 

The tract nearest to Ninety Six was bought in 1755 for eight thou- 
sand pounds by William Simpson and Dr. John Murray, a Charleston 
physician, and the one lying on the Saluda above it was earlier sold to 
Joseph Salvador, a London merchant. The Simpson-Murray tract was 
divided three years after its purchase, Murray taking the half lying next 
to the river. It was doubtless on this land that he established a plantation, 
for in 1757 he had an overseer "at Saludy". Probably most of the "12 
stout Negro's" in the Ninety Six fort at the beginning of the Cherokee War 
were his. Murray also seems to have acted as agent for Hamilton for the 
remaining lands of the Great Survey, and raised cattle on his plantation 
called Hard Labor, which gave its name to the western branch of Stevens 
Creek. Cuffytown Creek, the eastern fork, was doubtless so called from the 
negro quarters of a similar plantation. Dr. Murray's advertisement of 
1760 for a strayed horse bred at Ninety Six gives point to the name of 
Horse Pen Creek, a nearby branch of CufiFytown.^^ Andrew Williamson 
appears in the back country in 1758 furnishing and driving cattle and hogs 
to supply the forts, and in 1760 and 1766 seems to have been employed by 
Murray or in partnership with him. The fact that Williamson applied for' 
no land until 1767 suggests that his own headright had been taken up by 
someone else, and that he was a native of the province. A survey of 1764 
refers to him as possessor of land and a mill within Hamilton's survey, ap- 
proximately the location of his later plantation White Hall.^'' 

Stevens Creek and Long Cane Creek were the chief tributaries of the 
Savannah between New Windsor and the Indian boundary, and their 
basins contained most of the desirable land, for the river valley proper was 
narrow and steep. The two creek valleys, however, closely hedged in the 
Saluda and during the settlement period were, for the most part, merely an 
extension of the Ninety Six region. The Cherokee path made Ninety Six 
and Fort Moore the natural gateways to Stevens Creek and the adjacent 
bank of the Savannah, and shortly before 1750 settlers entered from each 
point. In 1747 Isaac Barksdale, one of the chief southwestern traders, 
recently if not at that time an inhabitant of New Windsor, secured from 
the Georgia government a grant of four hundred acres on Uchee Island, 

boundary of the later Edgefield District (P, XXI, 491, Mills, Atlas of S. C). See 
also C. T. Julien in The Index-Journal (Greenwood, S. C), June 27, 1937, for the 
present state of this line. For the enclosed lands of Hamilton, see JC, Jan. 17, 
Mar. 23, 1751. 

25 Mesne Conveyances, 4T, 490-501; SCG, Jan. 13, 1757, Nov. 15, 1760 (advts. of 
Murray), Feb. 9, Mar. 15, 1760, Feb. 21, 1761 (frontier news); Laurens, Letter 
Books, Oct. 10, 1764. Murray and another coast-country physician, Dr. David 
Caw, in 1755 had a thousand acres each surveyed on "Stephens Creek" adjoining 
each other (P, VI, 14, VIII, 393). These probably were the plats on Hard Labor 
Creek included in Londonborough Township — see below, p. 251, n. 30 for reference. 

2« JCHA, May 12, 1758, July 2, 1766; Indian Books, VI, 134; JC, Mar. 3, 1767. 
His mill was near the lower end of the survey numbered 6 in Map 6. The William- 
son name was not uncommon near the Edisto and lower Savannah (see P, I, 409, IV, 
454, VII, 176). 



128 The Expansion of South Carolina 

probably the island ten miles above the mouth of Stevens Creek at or near 
which the Uchees had formerly lived. Here the next year he had an over- 
seer, but whether for plantation or cowpen does not appear.^^ 

In 1751 Joseph Chatwin and a Virginian, Joseph Nelson, asked for 
land which they had already settled on the river above the mouth of 
Stevens Creek.^® Chatwin had four slaves, and later applied for land on 
the rights of three more. He soon began work as deputy surveyor, and was 
captain of the first militia company of the section, but by 1759 had re- 
moved to Georgia.^ In 1752 Matthew Chavous applied for a warrant 
for three hundred acres, explaining that he was a free negro, and had been 
in the province twelve years. The council postponed action for more 
deliberate consideration "whether the giving away lands to Negroes in this 
Province and to their Posterity be Expedient", but the matter was not re- 
ferred to again. Thomas Bassett in 1751 swore to the rights of himself, 
four children and thirty slaves, and applied for land on the waters of 
Savannah. After a long delay for which he declared the Indian alarm of 
1751 in part responsible, and during which he went to Virginia, the 
warrant dwindled to two hundred and fifty acres in New Windsor; 
Thomas does not appear as a settler but Nathaniel Bassett does. It is 
possible that others besides Bassett intended to settle here and changed 
their minds for one reason or another; Jacob Pennington in November 
1749 asked that his warrant for three hundred and fifty acres on the 
Savannah be changed to the district between the Broad and Saluda, for he 
had "found himself deceived in the Situation and Quality of the Land on 
said River." '^ 

The other entrance to the Stevens Creek district was from the north, by 
Ninety Six, whence a formerly used branch of the Cherokee path led 
directly south to Savannah Town. Cuffytown Creek, extending far be- 
yond the main valley of Stevens, was nearest to the Saluda settlements. 
John Scott in 1747 applied for four hundred acres, having a wife, one child 
and five slaves, and four years later on the rights of three children obtained 
another warrant. The first warrant was surveyed on Haw Tree Creek, a 
branch of Cuf¥ytown, near the Ninety Six path and Horse Pen Creek; 

2^JC, Mar. 1, 1744, Col. Recs. of Ga., VI, 171-172 (see also pp. 416, 434, and 
IX, 265), Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C, SCG, Aug. 30, 1748. See also Patrick 
Cardiff and James Jarvis — probably Indian traders, the latter a resident of New 
Windsor. Their plats seem to have been surveyed a few miles above the mouth 
of Stevens Creek (JC, June 3, Nov. 6, 1748, Jan. 18, May 17, 1750, P, V, 100, 137). 

28 JC, Feb. 28, May 7, 1751, Mav 4, 1757, P, V, 137. Thomas Bryan had a 
plat surveyed adjoining Chatwin (JC, Feb. 28, 1751, P, V, 392). Several dis- 
charged soldiers from the independent companies applied for land here, but it 
is not certain that any became settlers (JC, Dec. 5, Aug. 2, 1749, Sept. 4, 1750, 
P, V, 249). 

-9JC, Apr. 7, Nov. 7, 1752, Oct. 21, 1755, P, V, 281, VI, 128, Col. Recs. of Ga., 
VIII, 15-16. 

^°JC, Feb. 2, Nov. 7, 1749, Feb. 28, Apr. 7, July 8, 1752, Sept. 7, 1756, Grants. 
V, 73. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 129 

the second, the plat for which shows a mill on a branch of Stevens Creek, 
was probably nearby/^ Between 1755 and 1757 several others gained lands 
on Haw Tree Creek, among them Richard Wallace and Thomas Howard, 
who were made captain and lieutenant of the second militia company 
organized in the Stevens Creek district/^ 

Better land than that on Cuffytown or Savannah River lay between 
these streams in the fifteen mile circle nearly surrounded by Stevens Creek 
and its tributary Turkey Creek. Horns, Beaverdam, Log, Turkey, Rocky, 
Sleepy and Mountain Creeks in quick succession, as one travelled the old 
Cherokee path to Ninety Six, offered good bottom land and pasturage. 
Alexander McGregor, a Charleston innkeeper, in 1747 obtained a warrant 
for six hundred acres near the mouth of Horns Creek. At its mouth 
another absentee, Ulric Tobler of New Windsor, in 1751 had two hun- 
dred acres surveyed and for a time thereafter the stream was known by his 
name, or that of Joseph Noble who applied for his warrant in 1754.^^ 
The next year, however, Benjamin Horn from North Carolina asked for 
two hundred acres on this creek and gave it its more permanent name; 
George Bussey, with five slaves, also settled here. Already the Germans 
arriving in Charleston were finding their way to the valley and in 1756 and 
1757, surveys were made for them and for other Englishmen on Horns 
Creek and the nearby streams.^^ 

By 1759 the central portions of the Stevens Creek valley, from Horns 
Creek to the upper branches of Turkey Creek, had been dotted with nearly 
fifty surveys amounting to about nine thousand acres, and on Cuf^ytown 
there were a dozen more for actual settlers. On the river the taking up of 
land nearly ceased after 1752, though the thirty plats surveyed from 1747 
to 1759 amounted to nearly as much as those of the Turkey Creek section. 
Among the newcomers here was John Scott, formerly of Cuffytown Creek, 
who seems to have moved about 1755 to a point about ten miles above the 
mouth of Stevens Creek. He was made a justice of the peace in 1760; 
above and below him half a dozen other settlers had surveys made which 
included convenient proportions of river bottom and high land. The 
total number of plats in the valley of Stevens Creek and on the river 

31 Above, p. 117, JC, Nov. 10, 1747, Apr. 2, 1751; P, IV, 483, V, 150; for location 
of Haw Tree see Blakeley's plat, P, IX, 360, and names adjoining. Note that 
Horse Pen and Haw Tree Creeks are at or near Cuffy Town (P, VIII, 98, 119, 
420, 500). 

32 P, VI, 109, 334, VII, 17, XX, 372, JC, May 4, 1757. For several absentee 
land owners see P, VI, 167, SCG, June 5, 1755 (advt. of Peter Sanders), P, VI, 
180, IX, 390, B. A. Elzas, The Jeivs of South Carolina (Philadelphia, 1905), pp. 
33-37. 

33 JC, Nov. 11, 1747, Apr. 2, 1751, Apr. 2, 1754; JCHA, May 22, 1749; SCG, 
Jan. 30, Apr. 24, 1755; P, V, 148, XII, 118. 

3* Co/. Recs. of N. C, IV, 946, JC, Feb. 4, 1755, P, VI, 31. For the Germans 
see, for instances, P, VI, 170, 175, 199; for the English note John Lamar (JC, 
May 4, 1757, P, VI, 214, 234-235, 240, 332), and Timothy Puckett, formerly 
a Wateree settler (above, p. 102, P, VI, 253). 



130 The Expansion of South Carolina 

nearby between 1747 and 1759 was nearly a hundred and fifty, represent- 
ing headrights of about six hundred and fifty persons. The two militia 
companies reported in 1757 had a hundred and nine men, and the returns 
listed seventeen slaves. The population of six hundred thus indicated cor- 
responded closely to the number of headrights.^' 

On the Saluda warrants and surveys between 1752 and 1759, a hun- 
dred and forty in all, amounted to nearly thirty thousand acres. Only 
three of these were for more than five hundred acres, and there were 
apparently not over half a dozen for non-residents. Slightly over half of 
the total were for land on the south side of the Saluda, along the river it- 
self, scattered about on the branches of the Little Saluda, or rather 
compactly on Ninety Six Creek. On the north side the valley of Bush 
River was preferred to Little River, and to the banks of the Saluda. A 
few men had surveys far above the rest; Henry Foster's hundred and fifty 
acres was on the point between the Saluda and Reedy Rivers ; John Reed, 
another member of Francis' troop of 1748, had two hundred and fifty run 
out farther up on the Reedy; John Turk in 1753 had one hundred and 
fifty acres, and James Williams in 1755 three hundred, surveyed on 
Raeburns Creek."" 

About ten per cent of the warrants were for Germans who had strayed 
farther north than the great Dutch Fork settlement. A dozen settlers 
stated that they had been residents of the province, five others that they 
were from Virginia, and several, including Edward Brown and Thomas 
Haverd, with twelve children, were from Pennsylvania. There were few 
servants, and few slaves besides those of Dr. Murray, but in 1748 Daniel 
Burnett was possessed of a servant and thiee negroes, and later Enoch 
Anderson had three slaves, William Turner four, and John Davis two. 
Stephen Holston had four "Dutch" servants.^^ Warrants and surveys in 
the valley above and including the Little Saluda account for nearly eight 
hundred persons. The number of warrants would have been considerably 
smaller had it not been for Governor Glen's trip to Keowee in 1753 to 
build Fort Prince George. On his return he received the petitions and 
heard the oaths as to headrights of sixteen men about Saluda Old Town 
and Ninety Six and in 1755, when he held a conference here with the 
Cherokees, even James Francis and Henry Foster paid their respects to the 
royal authority by seeking titles to land. Timothy Riordan, nearly thirty 
years after he, or one of his name, had served in a provincial company, ap- 
peared to ask for two hundred acres on Ninety Six Creek, and Benjamin 
Burgess got a warrant for a hundred acres which he had surveyed near 

^^P, VI, 85; Grants, VII, 39; P, V, 162, XIX, 365; JC, Mar. 22, 1754; Grants, 
V, 386 (apparently Lloyd acquired the Kirby plat); P, XIX, 365 (two plats of 
Scott), XVIII, 376 (Michie), 387 (Middleton). 

3SP, V, 407, VI, 74, 176, VII, 324; see also V, 245, 480, VII, 277, 282. 

^MC, Mar. 16, 1749, Feb. 5, Apr. 3, 1750, Nov. 5, 1751, Sept. 3, 1753, Feb. 4, 
1755; P, V, 75. For Burnett see above, p. 125, and JC, June 8, 1748. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 131 

Little River, though he fell again into evil courses during the horse-thieving 
days of the next decade.^^ 

In 1757 the two militia companies of Andrew Brown and James 
Francis numbered forty-seven and seventy men, respectively, and to this 
number should be added some portion of the company on the Little Saluda 
and Twelve Mile Creek below. Slaves, possibly fifty in number, were not 
included in the return. Thus the militia list indicates a population in 1757 
of about seven hundred and twenty-five, which must have increased by 
1759 to nearly eight hundred. 

Ninety Six and the valley below had passed the hunting stage and 
developed a fairly prosperous and varied industry, with some products 
which brought in a money income. On Ninety Six Creek itself Daniel 
Migler had his blacksmith's shop. In 1751 John Collier who came from 
Virginia declared that he had built a flour mill on Samsons Fork, a branch 
of Saluda. Nothing more appears of his mill, but mill paths running to- 
ward Little River near its mouth are found on plats as early as 1749, 
showing the existence of one on the north side, and Mill Creek near 
Daniel Burnett suggests that there was another at Saluda Old Town. 
When in 1753 Governor Glen was casting about for provisions for the men 
who were to build Fort Prince George, he was encouraged to hear that 
the wheat crop of the Saluda valley had not failed. In a petition of 1755 
the settlers of Saluda and Enoree stated that they hoped this year to raise 
"some hundreds" of pounds of indigo, but how many were able to make 
money in this way cannot be said. The country was well adapted to horse 
and cattle raising, and the Cherokee path and trade offered both outlet and 
possible market. Daniel Burnett's widow in 1755 had four horses stolen 
from her, and about the same time there is a reference to her cattle. The 
great majority here were small farmers who had little money, but evidently ^ 
maintained themselves in a fair degree of comfort. Robert Lang in 1757 / 
asked the Commons House to pay him twenty pounds for the plundering 7" 
of cattle and goods, and the burning of his house by the Cherokees. The V 
house was evidently a simple affair, such as John Hanna, from Virginia, / 
expected his neighbors to help him build. Hanna also had the promise of 
aid in clearing ground.^^ 

A description of a back country establishment was put on record as a 
result of the mischievous work of a Cherokee embassy in 1753. In that 
year Stephen Holston of the Little Saluda appeared before the governor 
and council and declared that during his absence from home a party of 

38 JC, Feb. 1, 1754, May 22, Aug. 5, 1755, below, pp. 207, 209, P, VII, 24, IX, 
144, JCHA, Feb. 28, 1770, PR, XIII, 195 (Enclosure no. 10 with Middleton's letter 
of June 13, 1728). 

39 JCHA, Feb. 5, 1755, Mar. 15, 1757, May 31, 1760; below, p. 172; JC, Apr. 
2, 1751, Sept. 1, 1752; P, V, 52, 153, VI, 340, VII, 30; PR, XXV, 355 (above, n. 
13); SCG. Oct. 31, 1754, June 5, 1755 (advts. of John Hamilton and James 
Francis). 



132 The Expansion of South Carolina 

about forty Cherokees, returning from a conference in Charleston, stopped 
for the night at his house. The Indians demanded provisions which were 
given them, and two were allowed to sleep on the floor. Holston's wife 

retired to her bed Chamber and two other white men to their Rooms but 
no sooner had they been asleep, till the said Cherokee Indians Surrounded 
the house at the same time firing a great many Guns, and on Each side 
of the house there being a Door the Indians broke open the Doors and 
came forcibly into the . . . house and one of them armed with a gun en- 
deavoured to force open the door of the Room where the Petifs wife Lay, 
she looking throw a hole asked him what he wanted and seeing all of 
them armed and in a forcible posture, to save her life she Jumped out of 
a window, with a young Infant in her arms and went thro the woods 
three Miles to a Neighbours house where she took Shelter that night, and 
in the morning she returned to her own house she found that the said 
cherokees, had Robbed her of the Chief part of her Pewter Plate Dishes, 
Tea Cups Kettle and took away about 30 Bushels of Corn. 

As there were three other white men at the place that night, besides James 
Beamer and his half-breed son Thomas, who were with the party, Mrs. 
Holston's aHrm may have been unwarranted, but it was sufficient to cause 
her husband to apply for his two warrants of two hundred acres each on 
the north side of the Saluda, away from the Cherokee path."*" 

The Cherokee trade brought within reach of the Saluda settlers what 
was probably the largest store above the fall line, and made Robert Goudey 
the most important man, next to Francis, in the valley. Goudey first ap- 
pears in the Cherokee trade about 1747, and was actively engaged in it for 
several years. In 1751 he came from the upper Cherokees with a hundred 
horse loads of skins. But two years after Herman Geiger's death he had 
a store at Ninety Six and was thereafter merchant rather than trader, 
carrying on enterprises larger, perhaps, than those of any other Indian 
merchant save Patrick Brown himself.*^ He sent out one trader with 
goods worth three thousand pounds of skins, and in 1758 got judgment 
against Cornelius Daugherty for fifteen hundred pounds sterling. He had 
already the year before gone into the Cherokee country with two constables 
and six men and carried away four slaves from Daugherty in the night. 
When he died in 1775 or 1776 there were about four hundred persons in 
debt to him ; some of the accounts, however, were of men dead fifteen years. 
By his will he left his property to his wife, son and daughter, but gave to 
his three Indian daughters a small sum of money each.^^ 

*ojC, Sept. 3, 1753, P, V, 414, 424. 

"JC, July 18, 1748 (letter of Ludovick Grant), June 5, 1751, July 6, 1753 
(statement of Elliott). An impressive sketch of a house "the forest, belonging to 
Mr. Gowdie" appears on the plat of the Simpson-Murray tract (above, p. 127, 
n. 25) on the east bank of the Saluda and nearly opposite the upper corner of the 
tract. Note "the forest" of P, V, 411, and "Windsor Forest" of JC, June 7, 1751. 

*-JC, June 5, 1751; Indian Books, V, 44, VI, 105-109 (letters of Grant and 
Demere) ; Court Records, Common Pleas, Feb. 1758 (Goudey vs. Cornelius 
Docharty) ; Wills, 1774-1779, pp. 303-304; Inventories, 1774-1785, 195-208. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 133 

The Saluda valley above the German settlements between 1748 and 
1759 represented a new phase of the South Carolina frontier. The rudest 
aspects of life here were to last less than a generation, but between the 
piedmont settlements and the earlier outposts of the province at the 
Congarees and Savannah Town there were differences of more than pass- 
ing import. The great distance from markets, the climate and soil — one 
more healthful than that of the lowlands, the other more generous than 
that at the fall line — had bred or attracted a hardier and more numerous 
population, which as a whole had little wealth and few connections with 
the economy and society of the coast. 

Yet the government and coast country had a grip upon the region 
which intelligent administration and the growth of settlement bade fair 
to strengthen. The burden of defense against the Indians the frontiers- 
men carried for the most part by themselves, but they looked, and not 
always vainly, for aid from Charleston. The conservative South Carolina 
government had no stauncher champions than the back country leaders 
who by reason of origin, or the property or position they had acquired or 
hoped for, felt themselves responsible for law and order in their section. 
Among these men was William Turner who owned slaves and seven 
hundred and fifty acres; his plantation, which included the low ground of 
Bush River at its mouth, displaced the irregular establishment of Thomas 
Haverd. Others were Enoch Anderson, the former Indian trader, who 
settled down with family and slaves opposite Saluda Old Town, and John 
Turk, who felt in 1754 that he had property enough to require his adver- 
tising in the Gazette, after the manner of Charleston tradesmen, the fact 
that his wife had eloped from him, and that he would not be responsible 
for debts contracted by her.^^ Finally there was Francis himself, doubly 
important because he combined education, experience and earnest desire to 
fill responsible positions with the frontier interests and outlook which gave 
him a powerful hold upon unruly neighbors. 

The settlement of Stevens Creek and the nearby valley of the Savannah 
was the signal for the advance upon Long Cane Creek, the Indian bound- 
ary. John Chevis, a free negro carpenter from Virginia, in 1751 asked for 
land on the rights of himself, wife, nine children and a foundling infant, 
saying that he had begun improvements on Stevens Creek. This warrant 
the governor and council granted with the condition that he prove that he 
was free. The plat, however, was surveyed the same year on Little River, 
of which Long Cane Creek was a branch, five miles above the junction of 
the two streams. Wider bottom lands were to be found here, but it was 
several miles beyond the Indian boundary.*^ Four men between 1754 and 

^JC, Feb. S, Apr. 3, 1750, Mar. 17, 1752, Feb. 4, 1755; P, V, 75, VIII, 241; 
Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 12, V, 33; SCG, July 25, 1748 (letter to editor), Aug. IS, 
1754. 

**JC, May 7, 1751, P, V, 138; Patrick Calhoun refers to him as a free negro 




134 The Expansion of South Carolina 

1756 had surveys made on or near the lower course of Little River, here- 
after generally called the Northwest Fork of Long Cane — perhaps to 
satisfy scruples in regard to the Indian lands. One of the settlers was the 
illiterate William Morris, "very Sick and poor" at the time, who sent his 
wife Elinor to petition for his warrant. He survived to take up more land 
and to have his wife elope from him.^^ 

These pioneers opened the way for a rapid development of the Long 
Cane and Little River valleys. Noteworthy among the new settlers was a 
group from the north, similar to, though smaller than, that which a few 
years before made the Waxhaw region one of the distinctive settlements of 
the province. The Calhouns — four brothers, James, Ezekiel, William and 
Patrick, their sister Mary Noble and a Hugh Calhoun — appear for a 
decade prior to 1755 in the records of Augusta County, Virginia, holding 
considerable tracts of land and disputing before the courts with their 
neighbors. After January 1755 they are found no more in Augusta records 
as residents, and John C. Calhoun, the son of Patrick, many years later said 
that the four brothers with their sister and their mother Catherine arrived 
in South Carolina in February 1756. In September of this year certain 
settlers of the Long Canes region petitioned the governor for protection 
against Cherokee depredations, saying that they had moved from the 
Virginia frontier at the beginning of the preceding year, and had secured 
the consent of the Cherokees for their settlement. Applications for war- 
rants, however, were not made until June 6 1758, when William, Ezekiel 
and Patrick were allowed four hundred, five hundred and two hundred 
acres respectively, while Arthur Patton, doubtless also from Augusta 
County, was given a warrant for six hundred and fifty acres.*® On the 
fourth of July Mary Noble applied for three hundred acres and James 
Calhoun for three hundred and fifty; in November Robert Norris, ap- 
parently another neighbor from Virginia, and Hugh and Robert Calhoun 
were given warrants for three hundred, a hundred, and a hundred acres 
respectively. Patrick evidently had secured a deputation as surveyor while 
in Charleston and with these tracts began the near monopoly of Long 
Canes surveying which he held for seven years. William had his plat 
surveyed to include Little River immediately above its junction with a 
small stream later known as Calhoun Creek. Perhaps the preference was 
given to Mary Noble, who acquired "Cane Hill" at the junction of the 

(P, VII, 63, 381). The location is indicated by plats of Petit (P, VIII, 136) and 
Hillsboro Township (below, p. 253). 

*5 William Beddingfield {Col. Recs. of N. C, IV, 946, P, VI, 123); Nimrod 
Kilcrease (P, VII, 418) ; John Kilcrease (P, XX, 281, for location see P, VIII, 
137 and plat of Hillsboro); Morris (JC, Dec. 5, 1755, P, VI, 350, VIII, 382, 552, 
SCG, June 11, 1763). Note also John Vann, above, n. 15. 

^SCHGM, VII, 81-84, XXXIX, 50; Chalkley, Chronicles, I, 40, JC, Sept. 9, 
1756, June 6, 1758; Indian Books, V, 220-221. The Calhouns were formerly 
of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 135 

forks of Calhoun Creek, a mile above her brother. Patrick laid out his 
own land on the south fork of the creek a mile beyond Cane Hill/^ 

Another group, the Alexanders, came immediately afterwards. From 
Aaron to Zebulun there were nine of them whose plats of from two to four 
hundred acres each were surveyed in 1758 and 1759 on Little River and 
the smaller streams near the Calhoun settlement. Adam Alexander was 
apparently one of the settlers on Governor Dobbs' Rocky River lands, and 
by 1759 two more of his neighbors had applied for land on Little River or 
its branches; after 1760 nine others appeared in the Long Canes and eight 
in other parts of the South Carolina back country.** 

Nearly forty plats were surveyed on Little River and its upper tribu- 
taries during 1758 and a dozen more on Long Cane and other nearby 
streams, the total headrights amounting to about a hundred and seventy- 
five. The next j'ear, because of Indian troubles, there were only a third 
as many. Thus the Long Canes region had thirty percent of the land- 
holdings of the Savannah valley above New Windsor. Despite its new- 
ness it boasted its mill on one of the branches of Little River, and a wagon 
road running from the Calhoun settlement across Long Cane and Turkey 
Creek to the forks of the Edisto.*^ 

How true it was, as the Long Canes settlers claimed, that they had 
the approval of the Cherokees for their Little River settlement, cannot be 
ascertained ; they declared that for a time they were well treated by the 
Indians, but then began to lose their horses and cattle. Their suspicions 
that some of their white neighbors, perhaps engaged in the Indian trade or 
dependent on hunting, inspired the Indians to do them mischief was 
probably not without foundation. However, far worse than cattle steal- 
ing was about to befall those who had, wittingly or not, gone over the 
Indian boundary. 

^^Chalkley, Chronicles, I, 53, JC, July 4, Nov. 7, 1758. For these plats see 
P, VI, 382-383, 390, 404, 406, 408, 421, VII, 3, 27. For location of Ezekiel Cal- 
houn's plat note that it adjoined Henry Baker who in turn adjoined Beddingfield 
(P, VIII, 376) ; for Patton, see P, IX, 382. The date of Hugh Calhoun's warrant is 
noted on the plat. 

*«P, VI, 355, 358, 395. VII, 12, 63, 284-286, 296, above, pp. 95-96. 

^^P, VI, 319, VII, 32,47, 268. 



CHAPTER XI 

The Waxhaws and Upper Wateree 

The Catawbas and their kindred tribes, reduced to a handful by war 
and disease, left the valley of the Catawba- Wateree open for settlement 
below their towns, and at the same time were a defense against attacks upon 
it. Pinetree Hill was the natural outlet for the region, while through its 
upper gateway the great migration from the north made its way into South 
Carolina. During the 'forties the earlier representatives of the movement 
went down the Wateree and there or elsewhere mingled with the pioneers 
from the low country. The South Carolinians first met the solid mass of 
Virginia and Pennsylvania immigrants in the next decade on the upper or 
Catawba reaches of the river. 

Settlement of the west side of the Wateree above the falls began shortly 
after that in Fredericksburgh Township, To the narrow valley and slate 
land of Sawnej's Creek came Isaac Pinson, who could not sign his name, 
and James Adamson who declared that he had been many years in the 
service of the crown and had come with his wife and two children by way 
of Philadelphia.^ Further north where Wateree Creek offered a wider 
bottom and better land John Arledge of Virginia and Richard Gregory 
from East Jersey in 1749 applied for warrants, and here John Stubbs — 
probably from Williamsburg — made his home.^ 

The first record of Moses Kirkland in South Carolina is typical of his 
troubled career. In May 1752 Richard Kirkland, from the north, applied 
for a warrant for three hundred and fifty acres on the rights of himself, 
wife, three children, a white servant, and two negroes. The plat was 
surveyed near the mouth of Wateree Creek where the westerly Catawba 
path crossed the stream, and was evidently settled by Moses. Accused later 
in the year of enticing the Catawbas down to his house to trade and of 
selling them liquor, Moses declared that he kept "a Store of Dry goods and 
have had some Rum and other Liquors to sell which I have sold to my 
Customers and Travelers as they pass [and] repass from the Northward to 
the Congarees &c" but indignantly denied that he had ever sold a drop of 
rum to an Indian in his life. In May 1754 he was summoned before the 

MC, Aug. 1, 1749, Oct. 3, 1752; P, V, 310, 370, VII, 146; Kirkland and Kennedy, 
Historic Camden, pt. 1, 62. 

2 Bureau of Soils, Fairfield, Kershaw; P, IV, 519, V, 144 (path on Gate's 
plat) ; JC, Mar. 20, 1735, Feb. 2, 1749. 

136 



The Settlement of the Back Country 137 

governor on the charge of harboring a runaway negro and was again ac- 
cused of selling rum to the Indians. The latter complaint he answered as 
before, but promised to send down the negro. Shortly afterward he began 
to take up land in Amelia, but finally established himself in the lower part 
of the fork of the Broad and Saluda and there set up an elaborate wheat 
and sawmill plant.^ At the same time on the north side of the river a small 
group of settlers was filling in the creek valleys immediately above Fred- 
ericksburg, among them Roger Gibson, who moved about 1751 from his 
place opposite Pinetree Hill to Beaver Creek. When he died not long after, 
his property was seized for debt. Nearby was Jonathan Christmas, who 
was from the Williamsburg section.* Perhaps a dozen others established 
themselves on or near Beaver Creek before 1759. 

At Great Falls, halfway between Pinetree Hill and the Catawba towns, 
a rocky ridge partly closes the Catawba valley. Above this point on the 
east side of the river from Camp Creek to Waxhaw Creek the land is roll- 
ing but not rugged, and the surface was doubtless a vegetable mold for 
which the red clay made a good subsoil, in some contrast with the darker 
heavier clay at Waxhaw Creek and beyond. Between the two small 
streams lay the district called the Waxhaws, composed chiefly of the fan- 
like system of Cane Creek and its tributaries; the Waxhaw Indians, after 
whom it was called, abandoned it at the time of the great Indian war and 
went to the Catawbas. The Catawba path dropped from the higher land 
into the valley, crossed Cane Creek above its junction with Camp Creek, 
and turned north along the ridge between the creek and the river.^ 

Edward Richardson, bricklayer, slaveholder, and real estate owner in 
Charleston, in 1749 applied for a warrant for twelve hundred acres in the 
Waxhaws, but later had his survey made on Jacks Creek, in the planta- 
tion area on the north side of the Santee. The troubles of others who 
actually attempted settlement may have caused him to make the change.* 
Benjamin Maddox, evidently son of a Maryland settler in Fred- 
ericksburg, in 1752 declared that he had built a house in the Waxhaws, 
and had moved his family there; his warrant was surveyed at the junction 
of Cane and Camp Creeks. Ralph Jones, who came from Ireland with the 
Wyly group of Quakers, and Thomas Simpson, who had fourteen slaves, 
applied for lands on Cane Creek at crossings of the Catawba path, while on 

3JC, May 5, Nov. 15, 1752, June 5, 1753, Apr. 25, May 7, 1754, June 7, 1756, 
Sept. 7, 1762; JCHA, Mar. 19, 1765; Indian Books, III, 160-161, P, V, 417. 

* JC, Mar. 3, Dec. 3, 1752 (Daniel Bready), Oct. 2, 1753; P, V, 272, Register . . . 
Prince Frederick, p. 52. 

•"^Bureau of Soils, Field Operations, 1904 (Washington, 1905), Lancaster 
(this report, however, ignores the change in the soil beyond Waxhaw Creek) ; 
Mooney, Siouan Tribes, pp. 74-76; JUHA, Oct. 6, 1737. For the path, which 
evidently changed its course, perhaps more than once, see P, VII, 269, XI, 471, 
XVI, 259. 

^ Court Records, Common Pleas, Nov. term, 1746 (Richardson 'vs. Clark) ; SCG, 
Feb. 9, 1760 (advt. of Richardson) ; JC, Oct. 3, 1749, P, V, 449. 



138 The Expansion of South Carolina 

the river nearby John Hudson, a Fredericksburg settler, had a hundred 
acres surveyed for one of his children.^ 

But while these men, between 1751 and 1753, were establishing claims 
under the South Carolina government, another and larger group was 
settling in the Waxhaws. In 1751 Andrew Pickens, Robert Ramsay, 
Robert and William Davies, John Linn and James Moore applied to the 
governor and council of North Carolina for warrants in Anson County, 
then the westernmost of the counties in the unsurveyed portion of the 
southern border. Pickens applied for eight hundred acres, Ramsay seven 
hundred, and Robert Davies six hundred. Pickens became captain of an 
Anson County militia company, a roll of which, apparently made in 1754, 
listed sixty-one privates beside his subordinates. Lieutenant Robert Ramsay, 
Ensign John Crockett, three sergeants, and five corporals.® Of the entire 
troop thirty-two appear in the South Carolina or North Carolina records 
as landholders in the Waxhaws prior to the Revolution. Seventeen more 
are indicated as residents of the Waxhaws by the appearance there of 
others of the same surname. Six of the total can be identified with Fishing 
Creek or Rocky Creek, opposite the Waxhaws; five more appear as land- 
holders elsewhere in South Carolina, 

Andrew and John Pickens were among the justices of the peace who 
met in December 1745 to form the first court for Augusta County, Vir- 
ginia. The next year a John Pickens signed the petition to the governor 
and council of South Carolina for the purchase of the Ninety Six lands. In 
November 1750 Andrew sold four hundred acres of land in Augusta 
County, and disappears from its records. References to John Pickens con- 
tinue, but one of that name was sought in 1750 and again in 1758 and not 
found. Upon his North Carolina warrant Andrew obtained a grant for 
five hundred and fifty acres on the north side of Waxhaw Creek.^ There 
are many references in the Augusta County records to Robert Ramsay or 
Ramsey. The one who came to the Waxhaws apparently surveyed both 
of his North Carolina warrants on Cane Creek, near the crossing of the 
Catawba path, and this point, lying as it did in red soil rather than in the 
darker tougher ground on Waxhaw Creek, became the center of the settle- 
ment. Here, adjoining Ramsay or his immediate neighbors, surveys were 
made for Thomas Wright, George Douglas, James Moore, John Martin 
Klein, John Kennedy, and Philip Walker, all members of Pickens' militia 

^For Maddox see JC, Sept. 6, 1749, Feb. 4, 1752, P, V, 291; for Jones, above, 
p. 103, JC, Dec. 7, 1752, Mar. 13, 1754 (letter of Wyly), P, V, 290; for Simpson, 
JC, Mar. 6, 1753, P, V, 420; for Hudson, JC, May 5, 1752, P, VII, 463. 

^ Col. and State Recs. of N. C, IV, 1246, 1250, XXII, 381-382. 

^Chalkley, Chronicles, I, 13, 305, 322, III, 289; above, p. 124; P, XIV, 240; 
Grants, (North Carolina), Book 2, p. 11, File No. 28 (office of Grant Clerk, 
Raleigh). 



% 



The Settlement of the Back Country 139 

company; others were to be found close by on other portions of Cane 
Creek/° Pickens had with him on or near Waxhaw Creek several of his 
company, among them Archibald Crockatt, William Hood, William 
Davies, and John Pickens. Near him Robert McClenachan, who was 
evidently of Augusta County likewise, settled himself, having in 1751 ob- 
tained a North Carolina warrant for four hundred acres. Never a doubt 
that he was not in North Carolina appeared to vex him, and he served as 
justice of the peace under that government, on the commission for estab- 
lishing Mecklenburg County, and as captain of the militia.^^ 

Meanwhile on Cane Creek there had been trouble between the settlers 
holding land under the rival governments. Benjamin Maddox in his ap- 
plication for land in 1752 declared that the day after he moved his family 
to his new house a surveyor "and a Good many People belonging to N° 
Carolina came and run out the Land," claiming that it was in that province. 
The survey on this warrant, however, and another made for him later 
show that he carried his point. Richard Causart the next year complained 
that after he had settled himself in the Waxhaws on the land for which he 
had applied to the South Carolina government, Griffith Rutherford, a 
North Carolina surveyor, surveyed the land and threatened to shoot him 
or any South Carolina deputy who might try to run it out. Despite the 
threat Samuel Wyly surveyed four hundred acres for him on a branch of 
Cane Creek. Ralph Jones secured a grant for his Cane Creek survey, "but 
being terrified with the Threats of the people in that part who say it is in 
North Carolina he was afraid to venture amongst . . . such Despar'd 
people", and sold the land to John Douglas.^^ 

The governor and council ordered the land vacated, but at the same 
time wrote to the North Carolina executive protesting vigorously against 
the encroachments on the Catawbas and on the southern province. Presi- 
dent Rowan directed an inquiry and sent a report of the findings of Anson 
County officials. One of these was Andrew Pickens, justice of the peace, 
who explained that Captain William Moore had obtained a North 
Carolina warrant, but delayed execution of it till after Douglas had estab- 
lished his title, and though he also bought a South Carolina warrant to the 
land, he "found himself the younger Brother there." Both "strove each 
with the other which should enjoy the Premises which occasioned great 
Contentions Quarrelings and Fightings between them, and Moore plows 
up the others Turnips and one turned Cattle into the others Wheat." 
Douglas first appealed to the South Carolina government, then both parties 

^^ See plats of these men, or their names on plats of others, P, IX, 128, XI, 
471, XVI, 258-259. 

^^P, VIII, 451 (path on Jane Grierson's plat), XIV, 240; Deed Books (Anson 
County, N. C.), I, 280; Chalkley, Chronicles, I and II, indexes; Col. and State 
Recs. of N. C, IV, 1250, VI, 799, XXIII, 590-591 ; see also V, 141. 

12 p, V, 291, 351, VII, 289; JC, Feb. 4, 1752, Feb. 6, 1753, Mar. 13, 1754. 



140 The Expansion of South Caroli?ta 

went to Pickens. He persuaded them to submit the dispute to their neigh- 
bors, and they in turn referred it to the North Carolina government." 

Hard on the heels of this affair came the complaint of Daniel Mc- 
Daniel. Three warrants were granted in the upper part of Fredericks- 
burg to two slaveholders of that name, one from Virgina, the other from 
Williamsburg, but it was probably the former who in June 1754 de- 
scribed his injuries at the hands of would-be North Carolinians. His 
narrative was to the effect that "being at one of his Neighbours Houses 
called William Mitchell where there was Lickuar to sell, and some of the 
Company began to fight and abuse each other, the said McDaniel strove to 
peacefie them" and himself was drawn into an altercation with one. After- 
wards "he went to one of His own Plantations" where he had a tenant and 
went to bed. Late in the night a party of men armed with clubs and other 
weapons came to the house to carry him before Squire Robeson, of Anson 
County. McDaniel and his tenant drove them off. A hue and cry, with 
promise of five pistoles reward resulted in his capture and appearance before 
several magistrates, one of them Andrew Pickens. Another protest from 
the southern government followed, and apparently the case went no further. 
It was partly to avoid conflict with the North Carolina authorities but 
chiefly for the protection of the Catawbas that Governor Glen and his 
council ordered the Jones tract vacated, and from time to time inserted 
clauses in Wateree warrants forbidding surveyors to execute them within 
thirty or forty miles of the Catawbas. The prohibition did not entirely 
prevent South Carolina encroachments, however, and of course had no 
effect upon the northern government.^* 

Most of the Waxhaw settlers were to be found on or near the five or 
six mile stretch of Cane Creek that parallels the river. From the center 
of the settlement where the Catawba path crossed Cane Creek another road 
ran west to Land's ford over the river. The plats as well as the names of 
these settlers are evidence of a group spirit that is in marked contrast with 
the individualism of most of the settlements on other piedmont rivers, 
and indicate that in part this was such a migration as that which settled the 
Welsh Tract. In Pickens' company there were five men of each of the 
names Pickens, Davies, and Nutt ; four Crocketts and four Walkers, and 
two each of five other names. The first plats were on the creek, but later 
settlers showed a tendency to cling to the others, and surveyed the adjoin- 
ing upland rather than the remaining but more distant creek bottoms. The 
court records of Augusta County, Virginia, indicate that, besides the 
Pickens and Ramsay families, Robert McClenachan, the McCorkles, 
Crocketts, and Linns came from that county. Three of the deeds for land 

^^JC, Mar. 14, Apr. 24, May 6, 1754. 

"JC, Nov. 28, 1747, June 9, 1748, Jan. 24, 1749, Dec. 3, 1751, Aug. 4, 1752, 
June 5, 1753, May 11, June 17, 1754; Indian Books, III, 163-164. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 141 

by the Waxhaw settlers, recorded in Anson County, were paid for in 
Virginia currency/^ 

Across the river and somewhat below the Waxhaws lay a region much 
resembling it. Fishing Creek and Rocky Creek entered the Catawba at 
the "Great Falls" or shoals of the river, and with their tributaries made a 
rolling valley or a series of small valleys affording a large amount of creek 
bottom for small farmers. Thomas Pinson in 1749 asked for a warrant for 
fifty acres near the mouth of Rocky Creek on which to build a mill. Three 
years later John Lea or Lee stated that he came from Maryland about a 
year before and had settled on Wateree Creek, where he had cleared nine 
acres of land and on it "built proper Conveniencys for his Family". 
Thomas Land, a weaver, also from the northward, one of the party which 
attacked Daniel McDaniel, declared that he had bought a North Carolina 
warrant, but wished a South Carolina title; his four hundred acres was 
surveyed in the forks of Rocky Creek.^^ Thirty or forty men had lands 
surveyed before 1760 on the west side of the river above Rocky Mount, but 
these plats were chiefly on the branches of Rocky Creek, for the sides of 
the river valley proper were narrow and steep. Few North Carolina 
surveys appear. 

By 1760 over a hundred and fifty South Carolina warrants and surveys 
amounting to thirty thousand acres had been recorded for the Wateree- 
Catawba valley above the shoals on the west side and Fredericksburg Town- 
ship on the east. A quarter of this total was located in the Waxhaws, an- 
other quarter across the river in the valleys of Rocky and Fishing Creeks, 
a third of it on the west side between Wateree Creek and the shoals, and 
the remainder on the east side between the Waxhaws and the township. 
To this amount should be added four thousand acres which can be identified 
as Waxhaw grants of the North Carolina government. Half a dozen men 
appear as settlers on Wateree and Beaver Creeks whose land records have 
not been found. 

For the portions of the valley below Rocky Creek and the Waxhaws 
the land holdings are probably a fair index of the population — about two 
hundred and twenty-five on the west and a hundred on the east. But the 
number and apparent distribution of the men in Pickens' company in 1754 
show that the South Carolina offices recorded only a small portion of the 
Waxhaw settlers. Furthermore, the South Carolina militia list of 1757 
includes two Waxhaw companies — one commanded by Pickens, with 
Robert Ramsay as lieutenant and John Crockatt as ensign, the other by 

^'^ See Chalkley, Chronicles, I and III, Indexes; Deed Books, (Anson County, 
N. C), MS, I, 222-224, 280, 390. 

-^Bureau of Soils, Field Operations, 1912 (Washington, 1915), Chester. For 
Pinson see JC, Aug. 1, 1749, Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 87; for John Lee and his son 
Francis see JC, Nov. 7, 1752, P, V, 378-379; for Land, P, V, 416, VIII, 414, Deed 
Books (Anson County, N. C), I, 431-432, JC, June 5, 1753. 






142 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Thomas Simpson. The first contained sixty-one white men, including 
officers, and six slaves ; the second, sixty-one whites and seven slaves. There 
were two companies on the west side, Adamson's and White's. The popu- 
lation of the Waxhaws was probably about five hundred, and that across 
the river on Rocky and Fishing Creeks over three hundred.^^ 

The Catawbas, perhaps the chief sufferers by the boundary controversy, 
themselves became troublesome as settlers encroached upon their lands. 
A certain Andrew Clever was driven from Fishing Creek by the young 
Catawbas who burned his house but allowed him to take away his belong- 
ings. A drunken Catawba even killed a child in the Waxhaws, but was 
immediately put to death by his tribe. Matthew Tool, the trader who 
stayed in the nation, complained of their usually petty but constant depre- 
dations on the inhabitants. The South Carolina settlers found no favor 
with their government, since the sufferers all lived within the thirty-mile 
limit set by Governor Glen. The North Carolina administration, feeling 
little need of the Catawbas as a frontier defense, resented the South Caro- 
lina reservation and protectorate, and aggrieved settlers had some success 
in their applications to that government. At a conference at Tool's house 
in 1754 three settlers, who cannot be identified by the records of either 
government, complained that the Indians took bread, meat and clothes from 
them, and had even tried to carry off a child. The Catawba chief. King 
Hagler, made a good defense. The attempted abduction, he said, was 
merely a joke of one of their wild young men. When the warriors were on 
the warpath, either in pursuit or flight, and went to some of the settlers' 
houses for food, "no sooner we do appear but your Dogs bark and . . . 
[you] hide Your Bread Meal and Meat" so that food had to be taken by 
force. However, there were many "that are very kind and Curtious to 
us . . . they give us Bread and milk meat or Butter very freely". In 
turn he brought the constant Indian indictment against the whites: 
"Brothers here is One thing You Yourselves are to Blame very much in. 
That is You Rot Your grain in Tubs out of which you take and make 
Strong Spirits You sell it to our young men and give it them, many times; 
they get very Drunk . . . [and] Commit those Crimes ... it is also 
very bad for our people, for it Rots their guts and Causes our men to get 
very sick".^® 

It is chiefly these fracases of McDaniel, Douglas, and the Indians that 
bring out the scanty evidence on the industrial life of the upper Wateree 
and the Catawba. Their corn, wheat, rye, cattle and hogs, turnips, milk 
and butter, were the products of a simple but complete back country in- 

■'^'^JC, May 4, 1757, above, p. 105. Simpson's company probably included the 
men on Beaver Creek and nearby. For the landless settlers see paths on plats, 
p^ V, 49, 144, 149. 

' i« jc' Apr. 5, 1753 (letter of Steill), Col. Recs. of N. C, V, 141-144b, 363, 574, 
784, VI, 58. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 143 

dustry — so complete that it even included the whiskey with which to brace 
their spirits or fuddle their wits without recourse to the low country rum. 
A larger industry — probably more a hope for the future than an achieve- 
ment of the present — is outlined by the petition of the Wateree inhabitants 
of 1752 in which they asked for a road to the Catawba nation. They de- 
clared it would open a considerable trade with the settlements on the 
Catawba and Yadkin in flour, butter, cheese, hemp, flax and flax seed. 
In addition to Pinson's mill on Rocky Creek, there was the gristmill of 
James Lynah which appears on a plat of 1756 on Singletons Creek, below 
the Waxhaws. The conference with the Catawbas in 1754 shows the 
existence of another mill, perhaps above the Catawba towns. Probably 
the best customers that these settlers had for their surplus were the new- 
comers, but there was doubtless a considerable export likewise. A certain 
McLaney of Fishing Creek was at Pinetree Hill with his wagon on his 
way to Charleston in 1760 when the Cherokees attacked his home and 
killed his wife and daughter.^® 

The inventories of Robert and James McCorkle, the one of 1757 and 
the other of 1760, add considerably to the scanty descriptions of the 
economy and of conditions of life in the Waxhaws. Both men, or rather, 
men of both names, were in Pickens' company, and all the names in the 
inventories are of Waxhaw settlers. Both lists include twenty or twenty- 
five head of cattle and several horses, but together only ten hogs. James 
had a cart, Robert a plow, plow irons, and "her" gears. Robert's in- 
ventory carried two mattocks, a weeding hoe, a sickle, three axes, a band 
saw, cooper's tools, and some plank. For household comforts he had one 
bed, a trunk, two iron pots and a pot rack, a frying pan, pewter, delph 
ware and wooden dishes, with two dozen spoons, and eight knives and 
forks. He had two Bibles. Most of James McCorkle's property seems 
to be listed as already sold at a vendue, seven gallons and two quarts of 
whiskey being expended on the occasion. Much of the property was in 
cattle, but included was a "chist", a coat and "wescoat", a pair of shears, 
and some firearms.^" 

The Waxhaws, like Williamsburg and the Welsh Tract, affords strik- 
ing evidence that it required a closely-knit community to found a church, 
and that in turn the church was a powerful factor in binding together as 
well as improving the settlement. Between 1753 and 1755 both the 
Charleston Presbytery and the northern Presbyterians sent ministers 
through the settlement to preach. In November 1755, one of these, Hugh 
McAden, after a trip across to Broad River, returned and preached to a 
congregation which was evidently the beginning of Fishing Creek Church, 
then crossed the Catawba and preached in the Waxhaw meeting house. In 

^MC, Apr. 6, 1756, SCG, Sept. 27, 1760; JCHA, May 9, Dec. 12, 1752, P, VI, 258. 
Note the acts providing for Wateree and Catawba roads, above, p. 106. 



I 



20 



Will Books (Anson County, N. C), I. 



144 The Expansion of South Carolina 

March 1757, Robert Miller, "min'' of the Waxaws", bought a tract of 
land on which was an old cabin, but in February of the next year simply 
as Mr. Robert Miller, with his wife, he resold the cabin and the land ex- 
cept four and a half acres. This latter tract, with a house for divine wor- 
ship and a retiring house, he gave by deed a few weeks later to Robert 
Davies, Robert Ramsay, John Linn, Samuel Dunlap, and Henry White, 
planters, for the use of the Waxhaw Presbyterian congregation. The 
deed mentioned a spring on the lot. Miller and his wife Jean reserved 
the seat at the left of the north entrance, the seat to be four feet long and 
to be paid for at the same rate as the others then rented in the church.^^ 

The short-lived ministry, which thus came to an end with such apparent 
good feeling on the part of Miller, began with the church's appeal to the 
Charleston Presbytery for a minister and the licensing by that body of this 
probationer, a Scotch schoolmaster. In June 1758 Miller was deposed 
by the Presbytery on the charge of adultery. Within a year the church 
called William Richardson, an Englishman educated at the University of 
Glasgow and a student of theology under Samuel Davies of Virginia. He 
had recently been ordained by the Hanover Presbytery of Virginia as 
missionary to the Cherokees, but had given up the task as hopeless almost 
as soon as appointed. His widely extended ministry, lasting till his death 
in 1771, did much to make the Waxhaws the Presbyterian center of the 
South Carolina back country. The church stood near the point where the 
old Catawba path crossed the new path to Land's ford, and was only a 
mile and a half from the river. During the next decade settlers even 
forebore their usual search for river and creek bottoms and took up every 
foot of land near the church. The Presbyterian congregation on Fishing 
Creek evidently joined the Waxhaw Church in calling Richardson, and a 
plat surveyed on the creek in 1763 shows paths to the meeting house.^^ 

So varied had been the social types of the newer South Carolina com- 
munities, so gradual the drift of the settlement process away from the 
plantation and trading post types of the early royal period toward non- 
staple and non-commercial communities, that there were probably few in 
the province who realized that the Waxhaw settlement had any significance 
save for trade and frontier defense. In one way or another the dominant 
planter and merchant group of the tidewater had a powerful grip upon 
each of the preceding settlements, whether by its staple crop, slave labor, 
fear of the Indians or French, or by the low country origin of its settlers. 
But two-thirds or three-fourths of the settlers of the upper Wateree and 
Catawba came from the north, among them nearly all the leaders of the 
region, and their slaves were negligible in number. The absence of eco- 
nomic ties, however, promised to be less serious than social and political 

21 Deed Books (Anson County, N. C), V, 12, 125, 136-137; Howe, Presby- 
terian Church, I, 286-288. 



22 



Ibid., 287-293, 297-298, 336, 417, P, VII, 339. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 145 

differences, for already there was a small sale from the upper valley of the 
products of the dairy and of the farm. It was the strengthening of South 
Carolina Presbyterianism and its connections with the north that con- 
stituted a real threat to the tidewater system. 

The valley of Lynches River above the sand hills made a small and 
somewhat isolated area, which because of its position and scanty resources 
played a minor part in the colonial life of South Carolina. In 1750 
Robert Stuart, from the Jerseys, and John Middleton whose family had 
six slaves, applied for warrants near the mouth of Buffalo Creek, a branch 
of the main stream, Middleton explaining that his father before his death 
had built a house and made improvements there. In 1.752 William McKee 
from the northward, who had a white servant in his family, applied for 
a warrant which was surveyed on a branch of the south fork, or Little 
Lynches River, which rises so far to the west that it interlaces with the 
waters of the Catawba. The Catawba path crossed this creek where a 
hundred-foot cliff and the great Hanging Rock overhung the stream, and 
McKee's plat included the rock.^^ 

A contemporary historian of the Baptists stated that about 1754 nine- 
teen members of the Welsh Neck congregation moved to this region and in 
September 1755 formed a church. Henry Ledbetter was their first pastor 
and James Smart his assistant, both men being originally from Virginia. 
Edward Boykin and his son Henry were made deacons; Ledbetter and 
Smart both applied for warrants on November 6, 1755 and the plat of the 
former was surveyed on the south fork. Edward Boykin and William 
DeLoach appear among the landholders of the Peedee section, and De- 
Loach and Henry Boykin now had warrants surveyed on Little Lynches. 
The church built in 1757 was probably on the east side of the main fork, 
but a few years later was rebuilt near the mouth of Flat Creek across the 
river. The rectors of Prince Frederick's occasionally visited this as other 
nearby settlements.^* 

The names of several settlers taking out warrants for land on these 
upper waters indicate that some of them were from the communities on 
the Black River and nearby stretches of Lynches River. John Pickens, 
however, came from Virginia with the Waxhaw group of settlers. He 
bought land on the west side of the Catawba in 1755 from Robert Mc- 
Clenachan, but two years later resold the tract to its former owner, mean- 
while in 1756 applying to the South Carolina government for two hundred 

23 JC, Aug. 10, 1750. For Stuart, see P, VI, 1, 227 (plat of John "Perkins"), JC, 
Nov. 6, 1755 (David Anderson) ; for Middleton, and James Clark, a neighbor, 
JC, Aug. 10, 1750, Jan. 8, 1752, P, V, 390, VI, 227, 418, VII, 10; for McKee, JC, 
Dec. 5, 1752, P, V, 383. 

2*Townsend, 5". C. Baptists, pp. 95-96, JC, Feb. 8, 1746, Nov. 6, 1755, P, 
V, 59, 169, VI, 121, 146 VII, 162; Register . . . Prince Frederick, pp. 33, 36, 39 
(Hewet, Dial, Clark, Cantey). Smart in 1759 moved to the Coosawhatchie and 
became minister of that church (see above, p. 75). 



146 The Expansion of South Carolina 

acres on Lynches River. The survey the next year, on a branch of the 
south fork, showed a mill and pond apparently complete. In 1759 he was 
a justice of the peace advertising strayed horses and cattle, but described 
himself as living on the north fork.^^ 

From 1752 to the end of 1758 surveying of land on the two forks of 
the river and their branches went on slowly but steadily, finally amounting 
to at least fifteen thousand acres, over half of it on Little Lj'nches and its 
chief tributary. Hanging Rock Creek. There were a number of other 
grants of uncertain location that might have increased the total by a third. 
The militia organization of 1757 included two companies, one on each fork, 
that on the south branch having fifty white men and sixteen slaves, 
the other fifty-three whites and five slaves. The few hints as to the oc- 
cupation of these men point to stock raising as their chief support — "this 
range" is the phrase used by Pickens in 1759.^® 

^^ See, for instance, index to Plats for Thomas Crawford, Robert Allison, John 
Lide, Thomas Dial, and William Cantey. For Cantey see also SCG, Apr. 2, 
1763 (advt. of John Pickens). For Pickens see above, p. 124, Deed Books, (Anson 
County, N. C), I, 280, 390; JC, Dec. 7, 1756, P, VII, 379; SCG, May 5, 12, 1759. 

26 JC, May 4, 1757; SCG, Jan. 12, Sept. 8, 1759, Feb. 14, 1761, Nov. 5, 
1763 (advts. of Pickens). 



CHAPTER XII 

The Dutch Fork and Upper Broad River 

The valley of Broad River, the largest in the South Carolina piedmont, 
opened upon the Congaree gateway, the most important interior point in 
the province. Its development, however, was somewhat slower than that 
of the basins of either the Saluda or Wateree, for it had neither township 
nor Indian trade path from Charleston to attract settlers and to direct 
them along its course. Furthermore, its lower portion for twenty miles 
or more, like that of the Saluda, is generally narrow, with small creek 
valleys opening from it, and the soil, derived from the prevailing slate, is 
neither so fertile nor so easily cultivated as the red clay land beyond.^ 

On the Saluda, above Twelve Mile Creek and the scantily settled 
corner of Saxe Gotha, a certain John Gibson and several Germans es- 
tablished themselves between 1747 and 1749. Michael Taylor, one of the 
Virginians who petitioned in 1746 for the purchase of the Ninety Six lands, 
described himself in 1749 as a weaver and had his plat surveyed on the 
south bank of the Saluda. On the same day two other Virginians, James 
Scott and William Jenkins, applied for tracts on the south bank, and Scott 
apparently kept a boat for the convenience of travellers who came by the 
path approaching the northern side. Samuel Lines, a native of the prov- 
ince who in 1745 was living on Raifords Creek, moved to Beaverdam 
Creek, near Scott's home.^ 

The first settlement between the Broad and the Saluda was the result 
of the partial exhaustion by the bounty immigrants of the good land in 
Saxe Gotha, and in 1749 other Germans appear near the earlier settlers. 
Farther up the Saluda, on High Hill Creek and on Bear Creek, two 
Germans and several Englishmen had plats surveyed, among them Robert 
Steill, the Congaree trader, and two soldiers recently discharged from the 
independent companies.^ On the west bank of the Broad, at a ford and 
island four miles above its mouth, Thomas Brown had two hundred and 

^ See below, n. 5. 

2p, IV, 382, V, 63, JC, Feb. 5, 1750; for Taylor, see above, p. 123, P, V, 101 
("above the Congrees") ; for Scott and Jenkins, see JC, Mar. 2, 1749, P, V, 104, 
and for location plat of Jackson, see Lines; for Lines, see Map 3, JC, Apr. 7, 
1752, P, Vn, 180. 

3 Above, p. 56; for High Hill Creek, see P, IV, 423, 426, 456, 462, 467, 475- 
476; for Bear Creek, and location of those plats, see JC, Aug. 2, 1749, and, in 
order, plats of Jackson, Brown, Long, Frymouth, Warle, Myer, and Rome (P, 
V, 236, IV, 493, 448, 463, 431, V, 54). 

147 



148 The Expansion of South Carolina 

fifty acres surveyed. Samuel Hollenshed, a blacksmith from New Jersey 
and Virginia, made his home and carried on his trade on the west side 
of the river at the mouth of the creek which came to be known by his 
name, and by 1750 a dozen Germans had settled on both sides of the river 
below Cedar Creek, one of them having three slaves in his headrights.* 

There was no great attraction for settlers on the lower Broad, how- 
ever, and hardly had the handful of earlier immigrants brought the settle- 
ments as far as Little River than other newcomers overran the red clay 
lands above quite to the Tyger.^ Purmont Carey and John Hughes, 
former companions-in-arms in one of the independent companies, now 
chose to be neighbors, settling themselves at the mouth of Little River, 
while Daniel Rees, a blacksmith from Pennsylvania, obtained a warrant 
for three hundred acres and settled higher up on the same stream. Like- 
wise to this river there came during the 'fifties Solomon McGraw, Richard 
Spencer and James Leslie, former settlers on Raifords Creek, and 
James Andrews who had been some years in the province.® Near Wilkin- 
sons Creek, a few miles above, Thomas Conoway of Virginia, who declared 
he had been living on the north side of the Broad for four years, and 
Conrad Alder, who had two slaves and said he had been long a resident of 
the colony, had tracts surveyed on warrants issued in 1749.^ Two Penn- 
sylvanians, Thomas Owen and Lawrence Free, and Free's "former ac- 
quaintance" Jacob Canomore, in 1752 petitioned for land on the creek. 
Three years later Owen had a tract with a mill on it surveyed adjoining 
his land. Here settled Ann Hancock, after being barbarously treated by 
her husband in Virginia and finally deserted by him.* 

On the south side of the Broad, Wateree Creek was the first large 
stream which settlers found in their northward movement. Elisha Atkin- 
son and John Taylor, recently discharged soldiers who had to sign their 
names by mark, Alexander Deley, who had lately married a German immi- 

^P, IV, 316 (Brown); JC, Mar. 5, 6, 1751, P, V, 122 (Hollenshed); JC, Nov. 
11, 1749, P, IV, 459 (Stocker and Derer) ; P, IV, 385 (Burckhard), 386 (Appeal), 
457-458 (Geiger, Blackvelder, Weaver) ; JC, Mar. 16, 1749, P, IV, 524 (Kuntz- 
ler); P, V, 222 (Cranmar) ; P, V, 74 (Bookman, Pushart) ; 178 (Frantz) ; 182 
(Hogheim). Note also Peter Rentfro, at the mouth of Turkeycock, now Nicholas 
Creek (P, V, 158, JC, Mar. 16, 1749). He seems to have been in Augusta County- 
Virginia in 1749 (Chalkley, Chronicles, I, 23, 28). 

^ See Bennett, Soils of the Southern States, pp. 164-166, Bureau of Soils, Fair- 
field, Richland, Newberry, Lexington. 

«JCHA, Feb. 6, 1736; JC, Sept. 6, Oct. 19, Nov. 7, 1749, Apr. 7, 1752, Apr. 6, 
1756, June 5, 1759; P, IV, 478, V, 143, 303, 311, VI, 10, 56, 65 (path to Rees), 
above. Map 3. Note also Martha Howell on Cowpen Branch of Little River (P, 
VII, 28), path to Philip Raiford (P, VI, 54), and Reese names in the Congarees 
(Map 3, and Townsend, S. C. Baptists, p. 145, n. 70). 

^Conoway — JC, June 6, 1749; note names of creeks in P, V, 448, and VI, 64 
and 65 (Owen and Harris) ; Alder— JC, May 2, 1749, see plat of "Cornelius" 
Alder, P, IX, 8, and for location of this plat see V, 459 (plat of Vansant). 

8JC, June 6, 1749, June 2, Sept. 1, 1752, P, V, 53, 448, VI, 64, 65 (path on 
Harris' plat), VI, 305. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 149 

grant, and Mary King, widow of a corporal in the garrison of the new Con- 
garee fort, were given warrants which were surveyed on or near this creek.® 
Immediately above two similar streams invited immigrants. On the near- 
est John Gregory from New Jersey and his illiterate son Benjamin settled 
in 1748, the latter planning to make flour. Peter Crim had a survey on 
the Santee in Amelia in 1738. Five years later he engaged in a 
Cherokee mine venture, and was reported to be overseer of the work. In 
1750 he applied for two hundred and fifty acres which was surveyed at 
the mouth of the creek adjoining Benjamin Gregory, and the stream there- 
after was known as Crims Creek. Andrew Holman, a foreign Protestant 
who came by way of Philadelphia the same year, in like manner gave his 
name to a tributary a mile above, where he said he planted three kinds of 
wheat. In the wide lowland at the mouth of Cannons Creek Herman 
Geiger of the Congarees in 1749 had a tract surveyed, and an ad- 
joining plat run out the next year for Hans Jacob Morf was crossed by a 
path to Geiger's cowpen. In February 1750 John Cannon petitioned for 
land on the headrights of nine children, a servant, his wife and himself. 
The survey two months later showed two houses on the land.^° 

The Enoree and the Tyger, for some miles above the points at which 
they empty themselves into Broad River, have narrow and steep valleys, but 
at six or seven miles distance one comes to Kings Creek on the Enoree, the 
first of a series of tributaries. Early settlers evidently found this network 
of small vallej^s with their clear streams and fertile cane-covered bottoms 
unusually inviting. "The canebrake" was the name given to one of the 
tracts first settled on the west side of the Enoree just above the mouth of 
Indian Creek. Easy access to this region was offered by the ford over the 
Broad a mile and a half above the mouth of the Enoree — at first called 
John Lee's ford, but later Lyles's.^^ In or about 1748 a settler named 
King made his new home on the north side of the Enoree near the mouth 
of Indian Creek. He soon died and his widow Mary, rendered uneasy 
by surveys near her, in 1750 applied for a warrant on the headrights of 
herself and six children. In consideration of her poverty this was given 
her without requiring her appearance in Charleston. The plat showed her 
house set on the edge of the low ground of the river and near a spring. 
On "Collins River" as the Enoree was known for several years, Samuel Col- 
lins applied for land in September 1750, stating that he had already made 

^JC, Aug. 2, Sept. 6, Nov. 7, 1749; P, V, 196, 267 (plat of Walthour), VI, 14 
(note that this plat adjoins Fisher, and see his plat — V, 225 — adjoining Walthour). 

^0 Gregory— J C, Oct. 3, 1749 and see path on P, V, 184; Crim— P, IV, 210, V, 
220, PR, XXI, 262 (deposition of Michael Christopher Rowe, enclosed by Council 
Committee to Board, Apr. 24, 1744) ; Holman— P, V, 184, 486, JC, Mar. 6, 
1750; Geiger and Cannon— above, pp. 55-56, 63, JC, Feb. 5, 1750, P, V, 38, 
243, 278. 

^^See Jacob Pennington's will (n. 12); P, V, 380, VIII, 209; Mills, Atlas of 
S. C, Newberry. 



150 The Expansion of South Carolina 

improvements to provide for his wife and six children whom he expected 
shortly by sea from New Jersey .^^ 

A path to John Linvell's, traced on a plat surveyed for John Heigler 
on the north side of the Enoree in 1750, indicates the origin of the name 
Linvells River by which the Tyger was first known.^^ Jacob Pennington 
and Gilbert Gilder came from Pennsylvania and in February 1749 obtained 
warrants which were surveyed, the one in the cane-covered Enoree river 
bottom, the other on the Broad ; Gilder however made his home on or 
near Indian Creek. Abraham Pennington, brother of Jacob, settled op- 
posite Samuel Collins perhaps as early as 1750, and in March of that year 
Nicholas Boater asked for four hundred and fifty acres to enable him to 
plant wheat, the occupation to which he had been bred ; his survey included 
the mouth of Indian Creek/* Duncans Creek, the next of the numerous 
western tributaries above Indian Creek, apparently received its name from 
a certain Duncan who was living there at least as early as August 1752. 
The first of the name to apply for land was John Duncan in 1754. Two 
plats on the Tyger surveyed in 1753 showed North Carolina grants ad- 
joining." 

Thus between 1749 and 1751 settlers from the Carolina low country 
and from the north, two or three to each creek, had staked ofi the upper 
Broad region for the white man, but the Indian troubles during the latter 
year reduced to a handful the number who came to the region above Crims 
Creek and Little River. In 1752 settlement began again, but the chief 
accessions for the next few years were not from the British colonies to the 
north, but from the German states, the continuation of a movement having 
its beginnings in 1749. John Jacob Riemensperger, undaunted by the 
disastrous outcome of his first return to Europe in 1740 as immigration 
agent, four years later offered to make another trip to bring back some of 
his Swiss countrymen. He asked the provincial administration to pay the 
passages of the expected immigrants, but nothing came of his application 
until he renewed it in 1748 after the close of the Austrian Succession War. 
He was then promised payment of his own passage to England, fifteen 

12 For King, see JC, Apr. 3, 1750, P, V, 474; Wills, 1757-1763, pp. 324-325. 
For the location note the Bentley (or Bensley) and Garret tracts (P, V, 270, VI, 
25, X, 195) ; for Collins, see JC, Sept. 4, 1750, P, VI, 309; the plat was surveyed 
on the north side of the river in what is now called the Horseshoe, opposite the 
mouth of Kings Creek. 

13 P, V, 112, 179, 364, JC, June 6, 1753; it was likewise called W^oodalls River; 
there was a John Woodall on Kings Creek in 1769 (P, V, 312, XI, 322). Reference 
to David Tyger in the Enoree-Tyger community appears in 1760 (JC, Feb. 11). 
Among the Tyger River headrights of 1751 was one slave (JC, Nov. 1, 1751, 
P, V, 268). 

i*JC, Feb. 2, 1749, Mar. 6, 1750, Feb. 4, 1752; P, IV, 499, V, 41, 114, 436, VI, 
17, 309; above, p. 128; Wills, 1753-1763, pp. 324-325, 1774-1779, pp. 169-170. 

i^P, V, 287 (path on Hamitt's plat), JC, Mar. 5, 1754. For North Carolina sur- 
veys see P, V, 364 (and note on this plat "Path to Padgetts" — doubtless the origin 
of the name of the nearby Padgetts Creek), XII, 95, JC, Apr. 5, 1753. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 151 

guineas for purchase of clothes for himself, and one shilling sterling a head 
for all foreign Protestants whom he should get to settle in South Carolina. 
In April he announced that he had forty letters from the Germans to their 
friends and relatives, and was ready to depart.^^ 

In October 1749 Riemensperger arrived with a hundred and thirty- 
two German Protestants who came as freemen, besides others who had to 
become servants in payment of their passage. "Palatines" they were called, 
but they probably were part of the six hundred Wiirttemberg Lutherans 
for whom he had vainly besought aid from the British government. 
Riemensperger declared to the governor and assembly that from Germany 
and Switzerland he had engaged upwards of three thousand persons, but 
had, by a series of misadventures, lost most of them to other places, chiefly 
Pennsylvania. In London he had asked for his party the privilege of set- 
tling above Saxe Gotha "where land is better", doubtless having in 
mind the Crims Creek section, the first large body of very desirable land 
on the Broad, and a region already known to the promoter." The crown 
discouraged his suggestion, but the South Carolina governor and council 
gave his immigrants, along with the bounty, warrants for land "in or near 
Saxe Gotha" which carried the ten-year exemption from quit rents, despite 
the fact that none of them was surveyed in the township. John Adam 
Epting and ten others, with headrights amounting to forty-seven persons, 
chose Crims Creek; another settled on Wateree Creek, three miles below.^^ 

Three years after the arrival of this group of settlers it was learned that 
Foster, Cunliffe and Sons of Liverpool had taken on board ship about 
fifteen hundred Germans bound for South Carolina. To the consternation 
of their Charleston consignees it developed that the English firm and its 
Rotterdam agents "led into a very great Error by some Officious Person or 
another", expected to receive the passage money, presumably from the 
provincial government, when the immigrants were landed. It does not 
appear that Riemensperger or the other South Carolina German agents 
were immediately responsible for this migration or the blunder of the 
shippers, but the circumstances indicate that it was their energetic advertis- 
ing that started the exodus. The consignees estimated that only one-fourth 
could be disposed of as indented servants; with this resource quickly ex- 
hausted they released the remaining Germans after taking bond for pay- 
ment. The immigrants were then entitled to their lands and bounty, but 

^6 Above, p. 55, JC, Nov. 29, 1744, Mar. 9, Apr. 21, 27, 1748. 

" JC, Oct. 16, 17, 19, 22, 1749, JCHA, Dec. 1, 1749, PR, XXIII, 283-286, 299-318 
(Board Journal, May 30, 31, 1749, Riemensperger's petition. May 8, Board's report, 
June 5, Board to Bedford, June 2, his reply, June 7, 1749). In 1748 Riemensperger 
stated that he had a stock of cattle on the east side of the Broad, forty miles from 
the Congarees in charge of his son-in-law John Frasier, and asked 500 acres there 
for Frasier and himself (JC, Apr. 21, 1748). For Frasier see also Map 3, JC, Oct. 
3, 1749, P, V, 60. 

i«JC, Oct. 16, 17, 1749; P, V, 187, 190, 193, 197, 199, 201, 203, 209, 231, IX, 
378. 



152 The Expansion of South Carolina 

the township fund speedily fell short of the demands upon it, and though a 
loan of the four hundred pounds in the ship-building bounty in part met 
the emergency, the later arrivals received, for the time being, only a por- 
tion of what was due them/^ 

From September 1752 to March of the following year the governor 
and council received the land petitions of these immigrants amounting to 
twelve hundred and fifty headrights. The clause of the act of 1751 al- 
lowing the bounty only to those settling within forty miles of the coast 
had been repealed on the governor's request and the warrants were given 
for lands throughout the western half of the province, some of them in the 
townships. Despite the fact that only the township settlers were given the 
ten-year exemption from quit rents, the great majority settled outside ; these 
were allowed, however, the provincial exemption for ten years from taxes. 

Four of the petitioners stated that they came from Wiirttemberg or 
nearby, one that he was from the upper parts of Germany, and another 
that he was from Germany, but the rest were silent as to their 
origin. In 1846 a Lutheran minister, after thirteen years residence in the 
Saluda valley, stated that the oldest inhabitants declared "their ancestors 
chiefly came from the neighborhood of the Rhine, Baden and Wurten- 
berg".^" Some of the petitions gave the purposes of the applicants in 
coming to South Carolina: a score declared that they came in order to join 
friends and relatives; a dozen roundly asserted that they had come to live 
in a country of liberty, or a free Protestant land ; a smaller number ad- 
mitted that the bounty had drawn them; several stated that they came to 
make their fortune, and Rosina Barbara Ralgebin, the only one of her 
name and family, said that she was "Desirous to see more of the World". 
Some, no doubt, anticipated the lot which fell to Barbara Powmin and 
others. When Adam Hover heard of the arrival of the immigrants on one 
of the first ships, he came down from his home on Crims Creek with several 
of his friends "to purchase some of them", and meeting Barbara he forth- 
with engaged her for marriage.^^ 

Peter Beckeli stated that he was a Catholic, and was informed that he 
could not get the bounty "unless he renounced the Errors of the Roman", 
but no apparent objection was made to giving admittance or land to him or 
to the four other men of his faith who came after him. In the course of 
the proceedings, the Reverend Mr. Zubly announced that after several con- 
versations with the Catholics four of them had accepted Protestantism, and 

i»JC, Sept. 1, 22, Nov. 25, 1752, Jan. 11, 1753; JCHA, Sept. 27, Nov. 22, Dec. 
12, 1752. 

2°JC, Oct. 20, 30, Nov. 7, 1752, Ernest L. Hazelius, History of the American 
Lutheran Church (Zanesville, O., 1846), pp. 26, 239. See also, Urlsperger, 
Nachrichten {Ackcrivcrk), pt. 4, 259, Voigt, German Element, p. 12. 

21 JC, Oct. 3, Nov. 29, 1752, P, V, 234 ("Haubert"), 500. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 153 

the others appear to have done likewise, for their grants were marked as 
being on the bounty." 

In 1755 Joseph Crell, back in the Congarees for a short time, declared 
that the recent German immigrants to South Carolina were "poor and of 
the meaner Sort", and asked encouragement for himself as an agent for 
bringing in a better type of settlers. Crell's charge is supported in 1754 by 
the complaint of the wardens and vestry of St. Philip's, Charleston, that 
the great number of beggars in the town was "chiefly occasioned by the 
Importation of many old and Impotent Palatines . . . , who not being 
able to get Masters, the Merchants agents had been obliged to take their 
Bonds and let them go at large". It is clear that the host imported by the 
Foster-Cunliffe firm lacked the outstanding leaders who came to the town- 
ships, and that it contained a far larger proportion of poor and shiftless 
than did the earlier Swiss migration ; nevertheless there is no evidence that 
the great majority were inferior to the average of the English and Scotch 
settlers.^^ 

Tracing these twelve or thirteen hundred Germans to their new homes 
is a difficult task, for the warrants specified no place, and the uncertain 
rendering of the German names by the English clerks often made effective 
disguise. However, a check of the plats and grants locates all but forty of 
the petitioners, who represented only about ten per cent of the immigrants. 
At least a fourth of the total are discovered in the valleys of the large 
creeks in the red clay lands west of Broad River. Of these Cannons 
Creek was the first choice, with Crims Creek, Second Creek immediately 
above Cannons, and Wateree Creek attracting smaller numbers. With 
some the desire to be near their friends and relatives obviously outweighed 
the attractions of land and water, and their plats are found on high ground. 
There is a hint in this that these were Wiirttembergers, following Hans 
Adam Epting and his fellows who had come there three years before. 
Above Second Creek only a few ventured, but Andreas Power and John 
George Wells had their plats surveyed on Indian Creek, and Christopher 
Jacob Dues and Jacob Hayle found land on Padgetts Creek and were ap- 
parently the first to make South Carolina surveys on that stream."* The 

22 JC, Oct. 20, Nov. 7, 28, 1752, Feb. 7, Mar. 23, 1753, and see above, p. 40, 
n. 19. Two of the petitions were made after Zubly's report (Nov. 28) ; four of 
the men had wives. It is thus not clear how many Catholics there were, or how 
many became Protestant. (Compare Grants, V, 446, VI, 143, 354, VIII, 214). 

-3JC, Feb. 4, 1755, JCHA, Feb. 2, 1754. For Crell, see above, pp. 55-57, 
John George Kreps, or Krepsin, had 21 chests of baggage (JC, Nov. 7, 
1752; his land was surveyed on Beaverdam Creek, on the south side of the 
Saluda — P, V, 480). The clerk recorded no signatures to the land petitions of 
these immigrants as made by mark, but the unusual circumstances make this evi- 
dence uncertain. 

24JC, Oct. 3, Nov. 7, 1752, Feb. 7, Mar. 23, 1753; P, V, 481, 483, VI, 95, XII, 
132. 



154 The Expansion of South Carolina 

slate land on the west side of the Broad below Wateree Creek was practi- 
cally ignored, but the north side of the Saluda a few miles awaj'^, which 
had the same type of soil and an equally scanty population of German and 
English settlers, attracted a tenth or more of the newcomers. This was 
doubtless due to the fact that the slopes here were gentler and streams 
somewhat larger than those of the lower Broad. Camping Creek, the 
largest, was selected by a dozen families. The opposite side of the Saluda 
received no more than a total of fifty settlers, the north side of the Broad 
only half as many, and a few others went to other portions of the back 
country. 

Save for the upper west side of the Broad, however, Amelia Town- 
ship offered the chief attraction — the excellent soil, scanty settlement, and 
exemption from quit rents apparently outweighing the opportunity to live 
among the three hundred or more of their countrymen on the upper WMters. 
A hundred and sixty or more settled here, and Orangeburg drew half as 
many. Nearly a hundred were established on the waters of the Coosawhat- 
chie and Salkehatchie, and a score perhaps below Amelia and Orange- 
burg.2^ 

Over a third of the Germans who settled in the middle and back coun- 
try between 1748 and 1759 came in this migration of 1752. Until 1756 
they continued to arrive at the rate of two or three hundred a year, but 
thereafter the number of petitions fell off sharply and, save for the group 
which came in 1764, practically ceased with the outbreak of the Cherokee 
War. The movement of Germans from the north was negligible. 

The total number of petitions of the Germans between 1748 and 1759 
was slightly over thirteen hundred, representing about thirty-seven hundred 
headrights. The place of settlement of a fifth of these has not been located 
but of the remainder sixteen hundred settled on the branches of the Broad 
and Saluda, nearly seven hundred in Amelia and Orangeburg and im- 
mediately below those townships, about three hundred on the Congaree, 
and an equal number on the Salkehatchie and Coosawhatchie. The 
Wateree, the upper Savannah and Purrysburg each attracted from twenty- 
five to fifty. Of the seven hundred or more whose place of settlement is 
not established a number may have failed to take up their warrants and 
remained in Charleston ; the others, concealed under different renderings 
of their names, were doubtless distributed throughout the middle and back 
country in somewhat the same proportions as their brothers. 

The compactness of German settlement in the forks of the Broad and 
Saluda made possible a church organization, and it was for the service of 
these settlers that the Reverend John Gasser left Switzerland in 1752. 
Coming by way of Pennsylvania he did not reach Charleston to petition 



25 



See above, pp. 45, 50, 75. 



The Settlement of the Back Country 155 

for land until February 1754, but at that time he had agreed with the 
settlers to preach in two churches, one in the lower part of the fork and the 
other farther up. He was given the bounty, as was his servant, John Crebs, 
whom he had recently freed. His fifty acre plat was surveyed about three 
miles from the mouth of Crims Creek, and about a mile above the junction 
of Holmans Creek with that stream, a spot convenient for this and the 
nearby German settlements. The church seems to have been organized at 
once, but in April Gasser presented a petition, signed by about forty per- 
sons, stating that bad crops and the expenses of settlement made it im- 
possible for the people to support a minister and schoolmaster, and asking 
permission to make a general collection from the province.^® It was prob- 
ably on account of these troubles that the minister soon after returned to 
Switzerland. In 1763, however, Epting and Peter Dickert, as elders of 
the dissenting congregation on Crims Creek, applied for a hundred acres 
for a meeting house and glebe for the minister. The warrant was exe- 
cuted on land adjoining Gasser's, the plat showing the church complete 
with steeple, evidently on or near the site of the present St. John's Lutheran 
Church, with roads running to it from four directions.^^ 

In 1760 and 1761 a very different group of worshippers, near the 
mouth of the Saluda, achieved an unenviable notoriety. Jacob Weber was 
a Switzer, brought up in the Reformed church. After a season of depres- 
sion, then another of faith and exaltation, he fell into the delusion that he 
was the Deity. Among the few associates he collected around him one 
became the Son, another the Holy Spirit, and a third, John George Smith- 
peter, the devil, whom the others eventually murdered. Weber, Hannah 
Weber, John Geiger, and Jacob Burghart were tried in Charleston and 
condemned to death for the crime, but only Jacob Weber was executed. 
Lutheran and Anglican vied with each other in driving home the lessons 
of this tale, each using it for his own purpose, and the frenzy of the luck- 
less handful of settlers was dignified into "the Weber heresy".^^ 

The English settlers were first on the ground in nearly all parts of the 
Broad and Saluda region, but after the German tide set in at any point 
English settlement nearly or completely ceased. In the lower Saluda 
valley there were a score of English headrights between 1752 and 1759, on 
the Broad below Wateree Creek and Cedar Creek, about twice as many. 
The scanty resources of this region make it improbable that any consider- 
able number of English settlers would have chosen it, even if there had 

2« JC, Feb. 5, Apr. 2, 1754, P, IX, 456. In May 1754 John George Loeff "being 
a minister of the Gospel", applied for land about the Congarees, but nothing more 
appears about him (JC, May 7, 1754). 

"Faust, Lists, I, 10, JC, Mar. 1, 1763, P, V, 338, VIII, 346, IX, 456. 

28 PR, XXIX, 80-82 (Bull to Pitt, Apr. 26, 1761), SCG, Apr. 25, 1761, Bern- 
heim, German Settlements, pp. 195-205. For the location see plats of Derer (P, 
IV, 459), Burkard (IV, 385), Geiger (V, 463), and "Smithpader" (V, 495). 



156 The Expansion of South Carolina 

been no Germans, but between Wateree Creek and Second Creek, in one 
of the most desirable spots in the province, only about thirty English head- 
rights were represented in petitions and plats. There is no evidence of any 
hostility between the two peoples, nor as yet any migration of the earlier 
English settlers from the German district, but later comers of either race 
chose districts inhabited by settlers speaking their own tongue. 

Between 1752 and 1759 a hundred and sixty men of British name ap- 
plied for land on the waters of the Broad, their headrights amounting to 
nearly six hundred and fifty persons. Less than fifty of these headrights 
were for land below Wateree Creek and Cedar Creek. Above these 
streams Indian Creek was the first choice throughout the period and at- 
tracted a hundred settlers; the Enoree itself received about eighty. On 
Wilkinsons Creek and the other branches on the north side of the Broad, 
but below Sandy River, were located plats amounting to a hundred and 
forty headrights, while on the latter stream about forty settlers were es- 
tablished, chiefly in 1758 and 1759. Surveys were made on Tyger River 
and its tributary Fairforest Creek as early as 1752. By 1759 the head- 
rights on the former were about sixty, while on the latter there were a 
score. The English population of the valley of the Broad, as indicated by 
the land records, was between nine hundred and a thousand.^^ They were 
thus outnumbered two to one by the Germans who had settled among them 
on the middle waters of this river. 

As settlement advanced along the Broad and its branches mills were 
set up in the manner characteristic of other back country communities. The 
first mentioned was on Wilkinsons Creek in 1752; the next year Peter 
Crim had one on Crims Creek, and Isaac Pennington later owned two on 
the Enoree. Indirect rather than direct evidence indicates that corn was 
the usual crop, but wheat was commonly grown. Though slaves were few, 
Pennington bequeathed two and Crim had three.^° 

The most important of the later settlers was the elder John Pearson, 
formerly of the Congarees, who was captain of the militia company of the 
Congaree forks in 1757 and appears to have been living then on Broad 

^ The militia list of JC, May 4, 1757 does not give location of companies for 
a satisfactory check of this figure. John Pearson's company "In the Congaree 
Forks" had 134 whites and 40 slaves; the company of James "Lassley" (Leslie — see 
above, p. 148) on Broad River had 76 whites and 9 slaves; and that of Fink 
(whose first name is not given) on the south side of the Saluda, 40 whites. It is 
thus impossible to distinguish between these and the Congaree-Saxe Gotha com- 
panies; the total militia returns, however, appear to be far short of the headrights. 

^°For Pennington and Crim see JC, Apr. 2, 1754, P, VIII, 636, Wills, 1757- 
1763, pp. 324-325, SCG, Dec. 19, 1761 (advt. of Margaret Mint) ; for other mills, 
note P, V, 423, VI, 29, 64, 65, X, 248, XII, 167. For wheat see above, pp. 149, 150, 
P, VIII, 346, and the following references (the name and the figure following are 
from Stats., IV, the figures in parenthesis are the Plats volume and page locating 
the name): Conrade Volk, 120 (VIII, 635); Felix Grose [Cronx], 121 (VIII, 64); 
Adam Summers, 121 (V, 338); Henry Heartley, 121 (VIII, 346); John Sheely, 
121 (V, 332) ; Conrad Shire, 121 (VII, 400) ; John Cannon, 122 (V, 278). 



The Settlement of the Back Country 157 

River. When he became bankrupt in 1766 and his thirteen hundred acres 
was advertised for sale, his home w^as on the west side of the river above 
the mouth of Crims Creek, where a high ridge rises from a narrow bottom 
and affords a splendid view of the valley. Two other former settlers of 
Raifords Creek — Evan Rees and Philip Raiford, Junior — had plats sur- 
veyed on the north side of the river ; the latter was living there, near Wil- 
kinsons Creek, in 1755.^^ 

Pearson's letters were well worded though badly spelled, and in the 
beautiful script of the trained penman of the day; those of his son Philip 
were nearly as good. Both Philip and his brother John were born after 
their father settled at the Congarees, and of the latter it was said that 
"Under the instruction of his father, & with a little school education, he 
became a very good English scholar." In 1758 John Fairchild surveyed a 
plat of two hundred acres on a branch of Indian Creek for Abel Anderson, 
and at one point of the line wrote the word "Schoolhouse". No other 
reference to the "school" appears, but as the plat was in the midst of the 
Anderson, Pennington and King settlement, the suggestion is clear that 
these men sought to provide something more than the simple home instruc- 
tion which was the only recourse for most of the back country. Between 
this time and the Revolution references appear to three different streams 
named Schoolhouse Branch, one flowing into the Tyger, one into Duncans 
Creek, and a third into Padgets Creek, but none could well have touched 
Abel Anderson's land.^" Six of the English applicants for land on the 
Broad and lower Saluda were unable to sign their names and two others 
who were recorded as signing land petitions, on some other occasion made 
their marks. Five of the eight signatures to the wills of Mary Pennington 
and John Cannon were made by mark, although the number must be dis- 
counted because of the possible infirmity of the principals.^^ 

On the east side of the Broad a handful of settlers from Pennsylvania, 
among them Thomas Owen, Jacob Canomore and Lawrence Free, joined by 
Richard Gregory, from the Wateree valley, with his father and brother, 
made the nucleus of two small Seventh-Day Baptist congregations of un- 
certain history and identity, organized probably about the same time. 
John Pearson, in the absence of an ordained minister, served both churches 
in the capacity of exhorter or lay preacher. Two letters of Pearson written 
in 1764 reveal his intense religious interest and activity. In his house- 
hold he held prayers morning and evening, and on the fifth of May he 

31 For Pearson see below, p. 163, P, V, 410, SCG, June 9, 1766, JC, Apr. 2, 1754, 
May 4, 1757, Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 63, Wills, 1760-1767, p. 132. For Raiford 
and Rees see above, Map 3, P, VI, 54, 64, 249, VII, 207. 

32 Draper MSS, University of Wisconsin Library, 2VV, 186 (Pearson MSS) ; 
below, n. 34; P, XI, 15, XIII, 432, XX, 544, XXI, 446. Compare Schoolhouse 
Branch of Black River (P, VIII, 84). 

33 JC, Aug. 2, Sept. 6, Oct. 3, 1749, Wills, 1760-1767, pp. 194, 232. 



158 The Expansion of South Carolina 

announced "A Great Meeting" to be held on the next Friday, Saturday 
and Sunday to which he invited his Raifords Creek kin.^* 

Another Baptist congregation was organized on Broad River in 1759 
or 1760 by the Reverend Philip Mulkey, made up of members said to have 
come with him from Deep River in North Carolina. In 1762, however, 
the minister moved to Fairforest Creek, about eight miles above the junc- 
tion of that stream with Tyger River. His congregation followed him, 
and the Fairforest Baptist Church quickly became the chief back country 
center for the Baptist faith.^^ 

2* See above, p. 157, Townsend, S. C. Baptists, pp. 159, 167-168, 172-174; 
photographs of four letters or fragments from John Pearson and his son Philip to 
another son (supplied by Professor E. L. Green, University of S. C, originals 
owned by W. Boyce Pearson, Strother, S. C). 

^^ Townsend, S. C. Baptists, pp. 125-126, 136. The building erected in 1772 
was on land given by Benjamin Holcombe {ibid., p. 126), whose plat of 1770 on 
both sides of Dining Creek lay chiefly on the north side of that stream. This 
indicates a site approximating that of the present church — see Bureau of Soils, 
Field Operations, 1913 (Washington, 1916), map of Union County. Joseph Breed, 
one of the members, had a plat surveyed on Fairforest Creek in 1762 (P, 
VII, 362). 



BACK COUNTRY AND FRONTIER 



CHAPTER XIII 
The Back Country in 1759 

The beginnings and early growth of the back country had been in large 
measure the history of separate and nearly isolated communities. But in 
1759 these settlements touched one another along the whole length of the 
Indian boundary, and partly by mere physical contact, partly by increasing 
likeness of industry and interests, had become a distinct section of the 
province. 

In thirty years the South Carolina of 1729 with its 10,000 whites and 
20,000 negroes had grown to 36,000 of the former and 55,000 of the latter, 
while the compact triangle of the earlier day had expanded into the sections 
which distinguished the later history of the commonwealth. The tide- 
water proper had 19,000 whites and all but two or three thousand of the 
slaves; to these numbers should be added 1,400 whites — over half of them 
Scotch — and about 900 slaves which were the population of Purrysburg, 
Williamsburg and Kingston, townships touching tidewater and raising their 
products under coast conditions.^ 

In the townships of the upper pine belt and fall line and on the small 
rivers between them there were apparently 9,000 whites and about 1,300 
slaves. Nearly a third of these whites and a fourth of the slaves were in the 
Welsh Tract, the best settled portion of the section. With the exception of 
500 Welsh and nearly 2,000 Germans the white settlers of the middle 
country seem to have been almost entirely of English stock. 

Beyond the fall line and the townships was the back country with nearly 
7,000 whites and about 300 slaves. The Broad River valley, with 1,800 
Germans and 1,000 Britons, had twice as many settlers as either the 
Wateree-Catawba or Saluda valleys. On the Catawba and in the Long 
Canes the great majority were doubtless Ulster Scots, but elsewhere it is 
difficult to distinguish between North and South Briton; except for the 
Germans it is probable that there were comparatively few who were not 
English. 

The origin of the middle and back country settlers who did not enjoy 
the bounty or did not come in well identified groups cannot be satisfactorily 
stated without intensive study of population lists of the other colonies 

^ See population estimates above, pp. 5-6, the militia return of 1757 (JC, May 
4), Glen's estimate of 175'1 — 7,000 militia, 50,000 slaves (JC, Dec. 30), imports of 
slaves {SCG. Dec. 8, 1759). 

160 



Back Country and Frontier 161 

which furnished emigrants. The names were English or Scotch, few of 
them distinctive; even where reasonable probability of origin in a certain 
colony is established for a settler the question usually remains unanswered 
as to whether he was in turn a recent immigrant to that region. 

Besides the small groups of settlers in Amelia and on Black River, 
Lynches River and the Coosawhatchie which have been listed as coming 
from the coast or middle country,^ the South Carolina provincial records 
and the parish registers which have survived show about a hundred and fifty 
names of men going from the tidewater to the interior.^ These local 
records cover perhaps half of the settled population of the tidewater ; 
newcomers to that section are scarcely to be identified at all.* This evi- 
dence though slender is consistent and one concludes that a quarter or 
even a third of the middle country white population came from the tide- 
water after a shorter or longer residence there, while probably less than 
ten percent of the back country settlers had a similar origin. Furthermore, 
the fact is clear that the chief leaders of the middle country came in this 
migration, while it gave scarcely any important men to the back country. 
In other words, during this period the middle country was quite sufficient 
as a settlement field for the coast population; here was room and to spare 
with soil, climate and crops much the same as those to which they were 
accustomed, and there was little point in their going farther in their search 
for homes. 

Of the outsiders who can be identified by their petitions or otherwise 
much the largest number came from Virginia — sixty or more heads of 
families, besides the groups in the Waxhaws and Long Canes; nearly fifty 
slaves were brought in by these settlers. Half as many petitioners stated 
that they came from Pennsylvania, but these were in addition to the Welsh 
settlers from the Lower Counties of that colony. Maryland, the Jerseys 
and North Carolina were each named by a handful of petitioners as their 
former homes. Thus, in the middle country the Virginia element may have 
been as large as that from tidewater South Carolina, while in the back 
country it was undoubtedly in the lead, the settlers from the other colonies 
coming second and the South Carolinians making a poor third. 

This mixing of elements was by no means new to South Carolina. Its 

2 Above, pp. 43, 75, 108, 145. 

^ This number includes the discharged soldiers (see above, p. 27, n. 27). 

^ Some idea of the immigration to the province may be had from the advertise- 
ments by shipmasters of servants' time for sale, by the numerous advertisements for 
return of runaway servants recently imported, and by applications of recent im- 
migrants from the West Indies for permission to bring in slaves duty free. See 
for instances, SCG, Sept. 30, 1732 (Capt. James Wilks), Mar. 20, 1742 (John 
Savage), Jan. 20, 1746 (William Whaley), Jan. 7, 1745 (McKenzie & Roche), 
Feb. 4, 1745 (M. Peacock), Dec. 16, 1745 (Isaac Ross); Harriott Horry Ravenel, 
Eliza Pinckney (New York, 1896), p. 1; JUHA, June 4, 1735, Nov. 20, 1742; SCG 
Dec. 2, 1732, JC, July 5, 1742, JCHA Mar. 1, 1754. 



162 The Expansion of South Carolina 

own tidewater society had been compounded mainly of Englishmen from 
England and her colonies; the Germans and Welsh, the strangers of the 
eighteenth century, made no greater diversity than did the French in 
earlier days, and the native South Carolina element in the middle and 
back country afforded a nucleus for provincial unity. The new settlements 
were a problem, in some ways a threat to the province, but geography, not 
race, was at the root of the matter. The back country, the region which 
was farthest removed and fastest growing, was to be the chief focus of 
South Carolina's growing pains ; only by concentrating study upon it and by 
comparing its conditions with those of the middle country — the transition 
section — can an understanding be gained of the province's new and coming 
problems. 

The part played by the Indian trader in opening up the back country 
was of great importance. As he counted off the weary miles, or rested 
himself by clear waters, or hunted game and searched for strayed horses in 
the forest, he came to know the country as few others could. He pointed 
the way to the first settlers, and not infrequently forsook his hazardous 
occupation to take his place among them. In his domesticated state he was 
of special value because of his knowledge of Indian affairs and his former 
connections with the government and the merchants of the coast. The 
Indian path itself was a channel along which came a trickle of the ebb and 
flow of the commerce and civilization of the distant little city, and the 
early settler sought a place upon it, where he could fancy himself a part of 
or least in touch with that life. Vying with the trader in his knowledge of 
the frontier was the professional hunter who might himself have served an 
apprenticeship as packhorseman in the Indian trade, or else have drifted 
from the settlements into this hard and shiftless existence. This class was 
not so numerous in South Carolina as in the colony to the north, where the 
back country was more free from Indian competition as well as from 
Indian danger. About Saluda Old Town and Ninety Six the Indian trade 
and the nearness to the Cherokee country enabled the trader and hunter to 
continue their pursuits after they became husbandmen. 

Cattle-raising was in many respects a frontier occupation, and occasion- 
ally cowpens were established far beyond the settlements. But there was 
little point in raising beeves so far from a market, for the middle country 
continued to the Revolution to be thinly settled, and its myriad swamps, 
especially in such comparatively isolated sections as the Coosawhatchie and 
Edisto Forks, remained the chief cattle ranges. Elsewhere through the 
back country the first settlers were the small farmers. These varied among 
themselves in their possessions, some evidently bringing scarcely more than 
a few tools and a little clothing — destitute even of the gun so much needed 
on the frontier. A single horse transported these goods and any members 
of the family that could not walk. Wagons came only after a given 



Back Country and Frontier 163 

section was fairly well settled, and the poorer men probably brought 
neither cow nor hog. 

But equally early in the process of settlement came a somewhat more 
well-to-do farmer, his several horses carrying his family as well as his 
goods, the latter differing from those of his poorer neighbor in quality and 
quantity rather than in kind. To what extent he brought his stock of 
cattle, hogs and poultry with him, and how much he depended on buying 
them from earlier settlers cannot be said. Probably all these men had 
some money with them, the proceeds of the breaking up of the home they 
left, for most of them could within a year pay the land fees. 

In the selection of a site for settlement the back countryman was nearly 
always influenced by the distance from other settlers. He was rarely 
found more than ten miles from his fellows, but within these liberal limits 
he sought for land to answer rather exacting requirements. In the process 
he usually passed by the larger rivers, such as the Wateree and the Broad, 
and even the secondary streams, like the Enoree, Little Saluda and Stevens 
Creek. Where the lowland on the river was wide the owner of two or three 
hundred acres risked his all in the occasional floods; where it was narrow 
the adjacent highland was usually steep and rocky, while the rivers them- 
selves were obstacles rather than means of transportation. Instead he made 
his way to the valleys of those streams more properly called creeks, where 
the piedmont offered its choicest combination of soil and convenience, and, 
indeed, of beauty too. The clear stream was easily crossed, on its banks 
grew the cane or grass essential for cattle, the soil of the slopes was good, 
that of the narrow bottom as rich as was to be found. Finally, though 
wells were not unknown,^ the hillside produced a spring or the site was not 
complete. 

Although these advantages seem to have outweighed small differences in 
soil structure, the average settler examined his ground carefully, and the 
large areas which today are stubborn or poor land were usually passed over 
for the red clay beyond. Very often the surveyor was entrusted with the 
selection, and when John Pearson's lands were advertised for sale in 1771 
he was spoken of as a good judge of land.^ 

The bounty settlers, since they came through Charleston and had their 
land fees paid for them, swore to their headrights before the governor and 
council and secured their warrants at once. Others, including emigrants 
from the coast, first found a spot and set to work, application for the 
warrant being delayed for a term varying from several months to several 
years according to the circumstances of the newcomer. The settler had no 
legal rights to land or improvements until he had secured a warrant, but 
the government gave him every consideration possible ; not only was his the 

^Indian Books, V, 21. 

^SCGCJ, Nov. 19, 1771; see also JC, June 2, 1752. 



164 The Expansion of South Carolina 

first claim, but if any one else obtained a warrant for the land, the occu- 
pant, if he applied for his own warrant before a survey was made, could get 
the other cancelled. 

The warrant allowed twelve months for the survey,^ and could be re- 
newed on application. A one hundred acre tract cost the settler who did 
not enjoy the bounty about five pounds sterling in fees, besides the time 
and expense of appearing in Charleston to swear to headrights.^ To the 
provincial government the non-bounty settler was due to pay taxes, appar- 
ently from the date of the warrant, but they seem to have been collected, 
and with fair efficiency, from the time the survey was made.® When the 
grant was made he became obligated to the crown for annual payment of 
quit rents; this he often evaded by leaving his plat in the surveyor-general's 
office instead of taking out the grant, though by so doing he ran some risk 
of losing his land.^° 

The number of those who made no move to apply for warrants was 
small ; " land was abundant, the regulations of the crown liberal, and the 
poorest settler had his choice. On the other hand there were few large 
holdings. This impartial distribution of the soil, matched in varying 
degrees in the back country of the other southern colonies, was the chief 
basis for an equality of wealth and opportunity that was the most significant 
characteristic of the American frontier. 

The five months from November to March were the time of the year 
chosen by the overland immigrants for their arrival in South Carolina, the 
need for harvesting the old crop and planting the new outweighing the 
discomforts of winter weather on the road and in a makeshift house. ^" It 
was not uncommon for the newcomer to buy out the improvements of some 
less well-to-do settler; in other cases the family was left at the old home 
while the head of it made proper provision for his wife and children ; 
others found lodging with neighbors while the new house was building." 

''State Recs. of N. C, XI, 39; this was reduced in 1755 to six (PR, XXVI, 321— 
instructions to Lyttelton). 

^ See above, p. 25. The requirement for personal appearance seems to have 
been first made by the crown in 1739 (see State Recs. of N. C, XI, 39, PR, XXIII, 
133— Surveyor General George Hunter, June 20, 1748, JC, Mar. 7, 1735). 

*'See Stats., Ill, 354, 385, 440; JC, Sept. 1, 1752, Aug. 7, 1753, Dec. 2, 1760. 

^^4 shillings proclamation money per 100 acres; after 1755 they began two 
years from the grant (PR, XXVI, 315 — instructions to Lyttelton) ; the province 
as a whole paid only half the rents due (Bond, Quit Rent System, pp. 318-349), 
and it is probable that the back country paid an even smaller proportion. For 
instances of evasion see JC, Feb. 27, Mar. 7, 1735, Mar. 7, 1758, Sept. 4, 1759. 

^^ Had it been otherwise the many reports of disasters and mishaps to persons 
in the back country and on the frontier — the poorest class being more often than 
not the victims — would have recorded a much larger number of squatters. 

^- About twenty petitioners gave the approximate time of their arrival in the 
province. 

13 JC, Jan. 24, 1749, Sept. 4, 1750, Mar. 3, May 5, 1752, Journal of Alexander 
Chesney, . . . ed. by E. Alfred Jones (Columbus, 1921), pp. 3-4. 



Back Country and Frontier 165 

On the whole, however, it appears that the custom was for the family to 
come as a unit and to settle the land without outside aid. 

The first dwelling set up seems to have been a small log cabin or a mere 
shelter of poles covered with branches of trees and earth/* The settler's 
permanent home on the bank of the stream or on the edge of its narrow 
swamp was probably built within the year. It was usually made of logs, 
doubtless roofed with rough boards.^^ Throughout the back country, how- 
ever, there were occasional frame houses covered with plank sawed out of 
trees by hand with whipsaws, or perhaps hewn out with axes.^^ The labor 
involved in this proceeding was immense, but it was probably used by all 
who had slaves or money with which to hire laborers because of the tighter 
and more comfortable house it made. Wooden floors were apparently the 
rule, although in 1775, at one back country house, William Tennant slept 
on a broken clay floor. Stephen Holston's house at Little Saluda had three 
or more rooms, and when the Catawbas in 1756 attempted to go into the 
house of a nearby North Carolina settler and found it locked they made 
their entrance by the chimney. Glass windows were rare; Martin Friday 
had one in his Congaree home appraised at approximately three shillings." 

Sometimes settlers were able to plant their first crops in an abandoned 
Indian field, but the country was otherwise heavily wooded, and the 
clearing of a few acres of the land was as pressing a need as the erection of 
some sort of shelter.^^ Petitioners for land warrants always spoke of this 
as extremely heavy labor; it appears that they felled all the trees in a space 
of five or ten acres, later used part of the timber to build the house, and 
converted the branches of the trees into the fence necessary for protection 
of the crop.^® For additions to the original clearing settlers may have used 
the method of girdling the trees and leaving them to die, though appar- 
ently it was the custom to cut them down and leave them to rot on the 
ground. The cleared field usually began at the edge of the narrow swamp 
which bordered the creek.^° 

Through most of the middle and back country corn was the first crop 
planted in the newly cleared land, and long remained the chief food re- 

i*For instance, JC, Mar. 3, 1752, Sept. 3, 1753, Dec. 24, 1764, PR, XVII, 339 
(above, p. 55, n. 6). Compare above, p. 79. 

^^Col. Recs. of N. C, V, 355, 362, R. W. Gibbes, Documentary History of the 
American Revolution, 1764-1776 (New York, 1855), p. 232. 

"See advertisements, SCG, Sept. 1, 1739 (Joseph Crell), Jan. 30, 1755 (Alex- 
ander McGregor) ; JC, Oct. 17, 1764. Note the lumber and whipsaws in Inven- 
tories, 1753-1756, p. 368, 1758-1761, pp. 22, 392, 428, 469, 483, 588; see also 
inventory of Robert McCorkle (above p. 143, n. 20). Note also Elisha Lawrence's 
sawmill on Long Cane, in 1767 (P, XVII, 283). 

1^ Gibbes, Documentary History, 1764-1776, p. 232, JC, Sept. 3, 1753, Aug. 24, 
1756, Inventories, 1758-1761, p. 89. 

^®See JC, June 8, 1739, P, IV, 400, above, p. 114, n. 1. 

^^For instances, JC, Nov. 13, 1736, Apr. 2, 1751, Apr. 7, Nov. 7, 1752; com- 
pare Col. Rccs. of N. C, V, 362-363. 

20 See ibid., Carroll, Collections, II, 201, P, VII, 17, 215. 



166 The Expansion of South Carolina 

source. There was no sale for it, however, save to incoming settlers, since 
the low country supplied itself. Like other back country crops it was 
made almost entirely with the hoe; only the well to do had ploughs — 
heavy, cumbersome implements which were utterly impracticable for the 
new ground with its numerous stumps and network of roots. Cultivation 
was therefore shallow and inefficient, and only the fertility of the fresh 
soil enabled the farmer to make from twenty to thirty bushels to the acre. 
Corn was planted in wide rows with hills six feet or more apart, evidently 
to give room for other products such as peas and probably beans and 
pumpkins planted with it.^^ Rye was also a food product cultivated in 
small quantities, and barley sometimes appears in the records."^ Oats seem 
to have been rare, the horses and cattle depending in winter upon the 
canes and grass on the banks of the streams, with some assistance from 
fodder and doubtless from corn shucks.'^ 

It is probable that the poorer settlers planted no grain but corn, but 
references to sweet potatoes, turnips, pumpkins and coleworts suggest that 
these garden products were commonly grown, and that they formed an 
important part of the food supply.'^ Orchards of peach, pear and apple 
trees were a point of pride with the better class of middle country settlers,^" 
and were doubtless planted in the back country also. 

At the time of settlement there were high hopes that wheat planted in 
the townships would replace the flour imported from the northern colonies, 
but not until the settlement of the Wateree and Congaree did the industry 
receive any great impetus.^® The Cherokee War not only brought out the 
evidence of the amiount of back country wheat but accounts of supplies 
furnished by the frontier neighborhoods to their stockade forts show that 
its cultivation was widely distributed, and even suggest that wheat 
rivalled corn as a food product of the frontier. The Charleston news- 
paper advertisements of this period indicate that despite the expense of 
transportation the settlers about the Congarees and Pinetree Hill drew a 

^^Inventories; compare American Husbandry, I, 447-448, II, 21, above, p. 34, 
Carroll, Collections, II, 203. South Carolina regularly exported small amounts of 
corn and pease {SCG, Dec. 8, 1759), and it does not appear that this came from 
the back country. 

" JC, Jan. 18, 1749, JCHA, July 1762 (schedule for 1762), May 25, 1764, Inven- 
tories, 1758-1761, p. 483. Reap-hooks occur in ibid., for instance, 1761-1763, p. 318. 

^^ Note oats, fodder, corn blades or pasturage — Stats., IV, 119, 121, 126, In- 
ventories, 1753-1756, p. 237. 

24 See above, pp. 38, 56, 120, 139; P, IX, 460 (Turnip Patch Fork); JC, Apr. 
26, 1764; Stats., IV, 123, 126; JCHA, June 23, 1761. The white or Irish potato 
became common on the coast later (SCG, July 7, 1766). 

25 JC, Apr. 11, 1746, Nov. 6, 1751; SCG, Dec. 15, 1758 (advt. John Fouquet), 
Jan. 23, 1762 (advt. of J. F. Doubbs) ; SCAGG, Nov. 4, 1774. 

26 See PR, XXIII, 226 (enclosure with Glen's letter to Board, Oct. 10, 1748), 
Carroll, Collections, II, 223-224, JCHA, May 6, 1749, Inventories, 1756-1758, pp. 
398-399. 



Back Country and Frontier 167 

considerable income from it.^^ Aside from this crop there was little in 
the agriculture of the piedmont to yield money. Hemp and flax, however, 
were likewise among the early ambitions for the townships, and the initial 
bounties were continued, though irregularly, for the remainder of the 
colonial period.^^ Several settlers at the Congarees and Orangeburg raised 
small quantities of hemp until the end of the 'fifties, but otherwise the new 
settlers seem to have paid little attention to it.^ Flax was more generally 
planted, but the evidence is the listing of flax hackles in inventories, and 
indicates that it was grown only to supply the family with cloth.^° 

In some respects indigo offered more inducements to the frontiersman 
than any other money crop. Its bulk was so small in proportion to its 
value that transportation of it was a negligible problem, for the produce of 
an acre might be sold for ten pounds sterling, yet weigh only eighty 
pounds. Furthermore it grew readily in either middle or back country 
soil. In 1754 the commissary-general announced that he had six bushels 
of Guatemala seed to distribute to the back settlers, a pint to each family. 
Therefore it is not surprising to read the optimistic statements of the 
Saluda and Enoree settlers in 1755 that they hoped to raise "some hun- 
dreds" of indigo that year, nor of Governor Dobbs of North Carolina in 
regard to indigo making by the back settlers of that province.^^ Doubtless 
a few succeeded with the marvellous new crop, but the process of getting 
the dye from the weed was complicated and delicate, and required large 
carefully made vats plentifully supplied with water. The back country 
did not develop indigo till after 1759, though the middle country, in 
better position and with more capital, was already an important factor in 
Its production. 

No record appears to throw real light on the profit, in normal times, 
to the back country from cattle raising. But exports of beef and pork 

27JCHA, Feb. 25, 1741, July 3, 1760, July, 1762 (schedule for 1762); JC, Mar. 
6, 1750, Nov. 7, 1752, Inventories, 1758-1761, pp. 89, 589; see also above, p. 106, 
and below, p. 221, n. 23. 

28 See above, pp. 82-83; Stats. Ill, 587, 615, 616; IV, 28-29, 49, 98, 166-168, 
232, 315-317. 

29 Above, p. 56, Inventories, 1753-1756, p. 237, JCHA, Jan. 25, 1742, Jan 10, 
1755, SCG, June 9, 1759. 

30 Inventories, 1751-1753, p. 41, 1753-1756, p. 236, 1758-1761, pp. 22, 277, 483, 
1761-1763, pp. 31, 318. A bounty was offered on cotton by the act of 1744 
{Stats., Ill, 615), and a few references to it similar to those to flax are found in 

middle and back country inventories (1753-1756, pp. 47, 443, 1758-1761, p. 318; 
see also PR, XXII, 276— Glen to Board, Apr. 28, 1747). In 1747 James Marion 
applied to the assembly for a seven year monopoly for a machine "for ginning 
of the rough seed-Cotton, such as has usually been sown ... in this Province;" 
which would, with the labor of a negro man and two boys in twelve hours clean 
eighty pounds of cotton from the seed (JCHA, May 19, 1747). 

31 Carroll, Collections, II, 203, 235, SCG, Feb. 12, 1754, above, p. 131, Col. Recs. 
of N. C. V, 149. 

32 Above, pp. 62, 94, 105. See Harriott H. Ravenel, Eliza Pinckney (New York, 
1896), pp. 102-103. 



168 The Expansion of South Carolina 

from South Carolina which were 5,576 barrels in the year ending June 
1749, when the back country was in process of settlement, fell steadily and 
during the last three years of the 'fifties were less than a thousand barrels 
a year. The new settlements were evidently unable to take advantage of 
the shift of low country labor to the rapidly expanding rice and indigo 
crops by sending salted pork and beef to Charleston for export, and 
probably were scarcely better equipped to sell meat to the low country 
planters. For this purpose cattle must be fattened, salt brought up from 
the coast, and heavy meat transported back, or else the fat cattle must be 
driven to the coast and properly fed on the way. Hides could be tanned in 
the back country, and marketing them was a somewhat simpler matter. 
In 1748 they were worth six shillings apiece in Charleston.^^ There were 
few large holdings of cattle in the back country. About fifty inventories, 
fairly representative of all but the poorest back and middle country settlers, 
show only half a dozen owners of as many as a hundred, and only one of 
these was in the piedmont. However, most of these men had more cattle 
than their families alone could consume, and it is evident that small num- 
bers of beeves and hogs, sold as opportunity offered, eked out the back 
country income. 

It was probably butter, rather than beef, that made cattle worth while 
to the more enterprising frontiersman. Butter was worth in the back 
country four or five pence a pound, and, prepared with saltpetre and salt 
in the manner of the time, kept indefinitely, so that the output of the 
individual farm, whether little or large, could be fully utilized. In 1739 
it was spoken of as the "chief produce" of the townships. The Scotch- 
Irish settlers on Rocky River in North Carolina were the first to give 
back country butter a name in the Charleston market, the first advertise- 
ments — which also included tallow — appearing in 1760. The Waxhaws 
early announced intentions of making butter and cheese, and the cooper's 
tools in Robert McCorkle's inventory must have been intended for making 
casks for these exports. In the Cherokee War one settler supplied eighty 
pounds of butter, another eighty-eight, to frontier forts on the Broad and 
Saluda Rivers at about four pence a pound.^ 

There were few settlers who did not have at least one horse. Oxen 
seem to have been seldom used, and horses were essential for work on the 
farm as well as for transportation abroad ; the numbers owned by any 
individual were usually small, only in rare cases as high as fifty head.^^ 

^^ Carroll, Collections, II, 237, SCG, Sept. 8, 1759. Note the tanyard at the 
Congarees (above, p. 57, n. 12). See also Inventories, 1753-1756, p. 47, 1758- 
1761, p. 67. A German tanner, George Keat, settled on the Saluda in 1752 
(JC, Jan. 8, 1752, P, V, 267). 

^MCHA, Dec. 18, 1739, May 28, 1760, May 25, 1764; SCG, Aug. 23, 1760, 
above, p. 143; see Inventories, 1758-1761, p. 589. 

35 For instance, JC, July 7, 1752. See JUHA, Dec. 3, 1744, JCHA, Jan. 24, 
1745, SCG, Oct. 2, 1755 (advt. of Richard Waters), Feb. 2, 1760 (advt. of William 
Lawrence), Mar. 28, 1761 (advt. of John Dawson) ; John Crawford, at Cheraw, had 
two pairs of oxen (Inventories, 1758-1761, p. 585). 



Back Country and Frontier 169 

They were bred in the back country and probably found ready sale on the 
coast. 

Hunting was a resource available to most of the back country people, 
and almost as much to those of the middle country, which was even more 
thinly settled, and had wide swamps for the protection of game. Buffalo 
disappeared as the first settlers arrived, leaving only their licks, paths, and 
the names of streams to record their history. Bears made their exit as 
promptly, though the Purrysburgers claimed to have suffered by them 
several years after their settlement. But the deer survived in spite of the 
annual slaughter, and the Cherokees from the Lower Towns came regularly 
nearly to Ninety Six for their hunts. Probably the great majority of the 
settlers profited from lucky chances at deer, and more rarely caught beaver. 
Some undoubtedly continued to make their living chiefly by hunting, but 
their number was small ; success in this profession required as great skill and 
as hard work as did farming and promised less reward.^^ Dogs were 
common in the back country, but seem to have been kept for defense rather 
than for hunting. Guns were usually muskets ; however the new rifles 
began to appear in 1750 and by 1759 were found frequently. References 
to fishing are rare; the Ebenezer pastors complained that the Purryburgers 
preferred to have their children hunt and fish rather than go to school, and 
Patrick Calhoun said in 1765 that the settlers had repaired the Indian 
fishdam across Little River, and that in the large creeks were plenty of 
rock fish, shad, perch, cat and trout.^^ 

The sale of his surplus products might enable the poorest back country- 
man to spend a few shillings a year for salt and ammunition, and, at rare 
intervals, for a blanket or some indispensable tool, while his more comfort- 
able neighbor sold and bought in proportion. The total of this trade was 
considerable, but it was spread out over a great area which had not as yet 
developed any economic centers nor even a respectable crossroads. Four 
rivers divided the region into as many districts, and made cross-country 
communication excessively difficult. True, there was Ninety Six where 
Robert Goudey did a business rivalling that of some of the merchants in 
Charleston, but this was a store for the Cherokee traders, and was not 
even within reach of the best settled regions of the back country. In 1762 
Thomas Wade appears to have had a store at the crossing of the Catawba 
road over Hanging Rock Creek, and at that time reference is made to a 
similar establishment formerly kept at the mouth of Stevens Creek. Some- 
where on every road, no doubt, there was an enterprising settler like 
Moses Kirkland who kept an extra supply of some commodity, wet or dry, 
of which he might occasionally sell a little, but that was all. The rivers 

3«See SCGCJ, Aug. 9, 1768, P, VII, 63, XI, 514, XII, 48, 54, 97, above, pp. 38, 
119-122, Inventories, 1753-1756, p. 47. 

"JC, Mar. 13, 1750, Mar. 16, 1756, Apr. 26, 1764, Col. Recs. of N. C, V, 142, 
Indian Books, III, 8, Voigt, German Element, p. 27, Hillsboro Plat (below, p. 253). 



170 The Expansion of South Carolina 

which precluded cross country communication inexorably pointed the direct 
ways to the fall line or to the coast, and thither the back countryman be- 
took himself — not indeed by an easy water carriage, but on horseback, 
following the path along the side of the valley. Within a decade of settle- 
ment, however, the path had widened into a rough road, and harnessing four 
horses to a wagon — if he was one of the few who owned one of the pon- 
derous vehicles — he set forth, charged with the sales and commissions of his 
neighbors as well as his own. To make the best of the venture many, 
perhaps most, of these wagons were driven direct to Charleston, but there 
were others ready to stop short of this goal.^® 

At Savannah Town John Tobler's store survived the competition of 
Augusta; at the Congarees Audeon St. John, successor to Thomas Brown, 
Robert Steill, and Herman Geiger, was perhaps the only considerable 
merchant. His store was hired as a military depot during the Cherokee 
War, and in 1763 he had "a complete and fresh assortment of dry goods 
suitable to the back inhabitants, . . . for cash or short credit". The 
sand hills prevented the wagons of the Wateree and Catawba coming to 
the Congarees; instead those bound for Charleston from the upper valley 
and from still further north followed the road along the eastern side of 
the river. With the development of wheat as a paying crop there was a 
good opportunity for a store at the head of Wateree navigation, and here 
Samuel Wyly tried for a time the role of merchant. He was succeeded if 
not bought out by Joseph Kershaw and his Charleston partners. After the 
Cherokee War this store became the most important trading enterprise in 
the middle or back country.^® 

The transportation problem, which geography made the fundamental 
obstacle to the early development of the piedmont, was intensified by the 
quickness with which a comparatively small population spread over the 
great area behind the tidewater. The resources of the province would 
not have permitted any considerable assistance for roads in the new settle- 
ments even had the provincial system sanctioned it, while public levies of 
money or labor on the inhabitants themselves was for years manifestly 
impossible. At the expense of the township fund the Cherokee path was 
made a wagon road as far as the Congarees in 1737, and in 1747 the 
inhabitants were charged with its upkeep, but in the main the settlers were 
left to themselves to make the best use they could of the Indian trade paths 
and to develop new routes. In 1748 the Cherokee path above the Congarees 
was spoken of as the "Main Road", evidently meaning that the trees had 

^ Above, p. 136; for Wade, Mesne Conveyances, 3E, 785-792, P, V, 383, VII, 
184; for the other store, SCG, Oct. 9, 1762 (advt. of J. and C. Wright), P, IX, 398. 
Most of the fifty wagons in Lyttelton's expedition were from the Broad and 
Saluda; one-horse carts were as common as wagons {Stats., IV, 117-128). 

29JCHA, July 1762 (schedule for 1762), SCG, Nov. 26, 1763, above, p. 104. 



Back Country and Frontier 171 

been cut back along the route to allow the passage of wagons. There were 
few if any bridges on this stretch, and streams like the Little Saluda could 
only be crossed when the water was not high. Even in low water the 
footing in the fords was treacherous and the steep banks made an empty 
wagon a load. By 1759 the road to the Cherokees was open for wagons 
almost if not quite to Fort Prince George.*" 

The old trading path from the Catawbas ran nearly south along the 
west bank of the Catawba to the head of the Congaree, but about 1755 the 
traffic on it shifted to the road constructed by Thomas Howell to his 
ferry below Raifords Creek. A plat of 1758 on Cedar Creek shows that 
the path of the early settlers on the east bank of the Broad had yielded 
chief place to a road along the ridge to the Howells Ferry road ; the latter 
and its two branches above were not made a public charge until 1766, nor 
does it appear that the upper portions of these routes were open for wagons 
until after 1760. Meanwhile the more convenient path on the east side of 
the Wateree was made a public road in 1753 but it was not completed to 
the Waxhaws until the end of the decade. From Grannys Quarter Creek, 
a few miles above Pinetree Hill, a path turned east across Lynches River 
to the Peedee at the Cheraws, and by 1756 wagons seem to have been 
following it, although improvement of the route was not provided for 
until 1762." 

In 1750, with the settlement of the Enoree and its branches, paths 
appear on the plats near the mouths of Indian Creek and Kings Creek, 
crossing Cannons Creek about five miles from the Broad, and evidently 
reaching the Crims Creek settlement near its church. In 1758 this path 
is referred to as a wagon road ; about Wateree Creek it turned and crossed 
the ridge to the Saluda, thus avoiding the rugged land on the lower Broad. 
The Cherokee path was perhaps reached by Scott's landing below Bear 
Creek, but later this road was continued farther down the north bank of 
the Saluda to Kirkland's Ferry, near the mouth of the river.*^ 

There were two early trading paths on the eastern side of the Savannah 
above the falls, one paralleling the river a few miles from its banks, the 
other running north from Savannah Town to Ninety Six. The settlers 
of the Long Cane section and the upper branches of Stevens Creek, how- 
ever, used the Cherokee path or the later route which led from the Calhoun 

^JC, Jan. 19, 1737, P, IV, 439, Stats., IX, 146, SCG, Jan. 12, 1760. Compare 
the troubles of the Moravian company on their journey from Pennsylvania to North 
Carolina in 1753 (Mereness, Travels, pp. 325-356). 

^1 Above, pp. 63, 99, 106; P, V, 222, 253, 278, 459, VI, 129, 213, 328, VII, 
281, 294; Stats., IX, 200-201, 214; see also pp. 144-147. 

*2p, V, 114, 184, 278, VI, 96, 309, 316, 320, VII, 80, XII, 99; Stats., IX, 211, 
Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C. The upper portion of the route evidently ap- 
proximated that of the later Kings Creek-Crims Creek road (see Mills, Atlas of 
S. C, Newberry). 



172 The Expansion of South Carolina 

settlement across Hard Labor Creek to the Ninety Six-Savannah Town 
road and thence to the forks of the Edisto." 

The first of the paths crossing the piedmont from the north was the 
Virginia trading route which also served for communication between the 
back country and the northern colonies. In 1752 another path paralleling 
this one led to Lea's ford over Broad River, nearly a mile above the 
mouth of the Enoree. John Lea or Lee appears no more on Broad River, 
and the crossing later became known as Lyles' ford, but in 1756 the wagon 
road crossed by the shallow ford at Fishdam shoals, six miles above the 
Tyger."** The Catawba was crossed at Land's ford west of the Waxhaw 
Church. Beyond Broad River the road cannot be traced prior to 1759; 
the most used route seems to have been a path from Cannons Creek to the 
Saluda, crossing that stream about a mile above the mouth of Bush River. 
The Indian path from the Catawbas to Savannah Town, which before the 
settlement of the middle country crossed at the shoals at the head of the 
Congaree, was used for the infrequent travel between the Congarees and 
Fort Moore. The route skirted the branches of the Little Saluda for half 
the distance, but then turned southwest, crossing the head branches of the 
South Fork of the Edisto. At the fort a ferry was established by law in 
1739, the "Sand Bar" being the landing place on the Georgia side.^^ 

The simple forms of manufacturing to be found in the back country 
were the making or repairing of tools and utensils and the crude processes 
necessary to prepare crops and products for market or home consumption. 
Most blacksmiths appear to have plied their trade along with their farm 
work. At Ninety Six there were Daniel Migler and William Ritenour, 
on the Broad were Samuel Hollenshed and Daniel Rees, while the smith's 
tools among Isaac Pennington's effects and the 71 pounds of bar iron, worth 
one pound sterling, owned by Peter Crim suggest that these men employed 
smiths.^*' At the fall line there were others; for instance one of Herman 
Geiger's negroes was a smith. The "path to the Mines" in Amelia, and 
Isaac Pennington's petition for fifty acres on the Enoree on which he was 
"Settling an Iron Work and that he may have some Ore to keep the same 
imployed," suggest early native sources to eke out imports of bar iron.*^ 
The carpenters, joiners, wheelwrights, shoemakers and weavers, a score of 
them, were to be found chiefly in the fall line settlements, but there were 
several in the back country.*® 

*3p, V, 293, 381, VII, 32, 47; Plat of Hillsboro (below, p. 253). 

**P, V, 380, VI, 149, VII, 65, IX, 92; see also VI, 309, XVI, 353. For fishdams 
see above, p. 169. 

4-^P, IV, 134, VI, 281, VIII, 241, XVI, 219, above, p. 72; Stats. IX, 110-111, 
Mouzon, Map of N. and S. C. 

*^ Stats., IV, 122 (for location see P, VII, 181, 334), above, p. 148; Inventories, 
1758-1761, pp. 432, 439. 

^Ubid., 1751-1753, p. 108, above, p. 44, JC, Apr. 2, 1754, 

*^ Mesne Conveyances. 



Back Country and Frontier 173 

The grinding of corn and wheat was one of the first problems of the 
settler. Some may have cracked their corn Indian fashion, but others out 
of reach of a cornmill probably used small steel or iron hand mills; they 
were furnished to the Purrysburg and Hillsborough settlers and are oc- 
casionally found in inventories, valued at about fifteen shillings.^^ But a 
mill pond and its corn mill were usually the first evidence that a section 
had been settled, and it was rare that the settlers were not thus provided 
within five years. Corn was usually sold in the grain, but wheat was 
ground in the back country or at the fall line before it was sent to the 
coast. 

Sawmills were available to few of the back country settlers before the 
Cherokee War ; with their whipsaws the settlers could saw planks them- 
selves almost as efficiently as could the clumsy frames, set with two or more 
saws, which were slowly driven through the log by a water wheel. The 
carpenter who contracted to rebuild Fort Moore in 1747 made the brick — 
doubtless for chimneys — on the ground, but otherwise bricks are con- 
spicuous in the back country by their absence. ^° 

Weaving and spinning were important items in home industry, although 
there is no evidence that there was any surplus for sale ; spinning wheels 
and looms, even after years of use, were worth six or seven shilling each. 
Wool, flax and cotton were generally used, although sheep were not to be 
found in every inventory.^^ In Isaac Pennington's estate in 1762 there was 
a still valued at about twenty-one pounds; Hans Jacob Morf, of Saxe 
Gotha, had one worth only fifty shillings; he also had both corn and rye. 
The whiskey used at the vendue of James McCorkle's estate was valued 
at eighteen pence a gallon." 

Two hundred and fifty slaves were listed by a hundred and seventy 
owners in applications for warrants in the back country between 1744 and 
1756. Eight of these men, owning eighty-six slaves, were residents of the 
coast or middle country, and some of them probably did not put their slaves 
upon the land. The other applicants averaged about three slaves each, and \ j 
the negroes were widely distributed over the piedmont. During the last 
three or four years of the decade there was doubtless a more rapid increase 
of slaves in the back country, but the total could scarcely have been over I /^ 
three hundred. Indentured servants played an even smaller part; the 
number listed in warrants was less than fifty, though this figure was doubt- 

*^ Above, p. 35, below, p. 253; Inventories, 1753-1756, pp. 326, 405; compare 
Adair, American Indians, p. 407. 

®° Note plan of sawmill in Ebenezer — Plan <von Neu Ebenezer, . . . Augsberg 
(Collection of H. D. Kendall, Camden, S. C), and provision for sawing plank at 
Fort Prince George in 1763 (Journal of Directors of Cherokee Trade, MS, B, p. 
32) ; and Inventories, 1758-1761, pp. 399, 428, 588. For the Fort Moore reference, 
see JCHA, Apr. 11, 1747. 

^1 See for instances, Inventories, 1753-1756, pp. 47, 236, 326, 405, 443, 1758- 
1761, pp. 22, 428, 439, 1761-1763, pp. 31, 249, 318. 

^^Ibid., 1758-1761, p. 432, 1761-1763, p. 319, above, p. 143. 



174 The Expansion of South Carolina 

less incomplete even for the period covered. About fifty applicants for 
land in the back country stated that they had served indentures, but most of 
these had been servants to masters in Charleston or elsewhere on the coast. 
Only a few of the servants were not German, and the indentures almost in- 
variably represented passage money from Europe to Charleston. If many of 
the numerous Scotch or Irish servants on the coast made their way to the 
back country after the expiration of their terms, the fact does not appear in 
the records. The demand for overseers or tradesmen doubtless absorbed 
them as free laborers. Labor was therefore almost uniformly free, but 
there was little employment for hire. William Calhoun about 1764 records 
a few instances of work done for purchase of commodities, and Henry 
Christopher Beudeker paid seventeen pence a day for men to reap barley 
and wheat, while his coopers received twenty-one pence. ^^ It is clear that 
these were exceptions to the rule that the farmer himself and his family 
did nearly all the work. 

The furniture of the poorer settlers of the back country probably con- 
sisted of a few chairs and a bedstead with straw mattress and blankets or 
skins for covering. Cooking was done on the open fire, by both poor and 
well to do, and the poorest had his pot, which hung in the flame by a hook, 
and a pan for frying. Wooden noggins, serving for cups or small vessels, 
piggins — small wooden tubs — and wooden pails were probably common. 
Pewter plates and spoons, with steel knives and forks, completed a simple 
but adequate list of utensils. Pewter implements were easily broken or 
hopelessly bent, but could be melted and reshaped almost as easily, and the 
occurrence of spoon molds in two inventories suggests that this work was 
part of the blacksmith's craft. A great many of the back settlers were 
much more amply provided with household conveniences. Featherbeds, 
pillows and bolsters, linen sheets, table cloths and towels, looking-glass, 
teakettle, china or delftware and a greater abundance of pots, basins, jugs, 
hooks, potracks, were evidence of this comfort.^* 

One of John Pearson's neighbors about 1764 pawned a pair of cloth 
breeches, and the fact that Pearson felt impelled to describe them as made 
of cloth, together with the occurrence in Robert Goudey's inventory of 
1776 of fourteen pairs of leather breeches, suggests that the latter were the 
common wear of the back country.^^ There are no references to moc- 
casins, a poor a covering at best ; and with leather so easy to procure there 
was no excuse for the back country settler to be badly shod. The goods 
that Captain Pepper kept for sale in Fort Moore were primarily to appeal 

°^ "Journal of William Calhoun", Publications of the Southern History As- 
sociation, VIII (1904), 18+; JC, Jan. 26, 1750. 

^■* Will of James McCorkle (above, p. 143, n. 20); Inventories, 1751-1753, pp. 
93, 420, 1753-1756, p. 237, 1754-1758, p. 258, 1756-1758, p. 4. 

^■^ John Pearson to his son (above, p. 158, n. 34); Inventories, 1774-1785, 
p. 195. 



Back Country and Frontier 175 

to the soldiers of his garrison but probably indicate the usual clothes of the 
settlers. He sold coarse shoes for five or six shillings, while steel shoe 
buckles cost two-thirds as much. Felt hats were about six shillings, fine 
castor hats — presumably beaver — about twelve shillings. Coarse stock- 
ings he sold at two shillings, the "best knit stockings" at five or six, and a 
cotton shirt "well made" was eight and a half. Moses Hendrick, on 
Indian Creek, boasted a coat and red jacket; other inventories of perhaps 
the better-to-do show usually coat and "wescoat". James Adamson, on 
the Wateree, had a broadcloth coat valued by appraisers at twenty-eight 
shillings, and another, evidently the worse for wear, worth about a third 
that much. Some inventories on the fall line list razors, wigs and perukes.^® 

About women's wear there is a dearth of evidence. It may in part be 
inferred from the items in lists of men's clothes. Governor Dobbs de- 
scribed the summer clothing of his Rocky River settlers — "no woman wear- 
ing more than a shift and one thin petticoat." Mrs. Haig, belonging to 
the middle country, and to the upper class at that, demanded of Thomas 
Corker that he send her a gown so that she might have good mourning 
clothes for everyday wear. In 1767 an indented servant girl about seven- 
teen years of age, "short, lusty, ruddy-faced and remarkably sluttish", 
recently come from Ireland and supposed to be headed for the "Irish" 
settlements, ran away from her Charleston master clad in "a new black 
quilted serge petticoat, a new printed linen gown, a long ear'd cap and 
straw hat." " 

The diet of the back country settlers varied, but the staples for rich and 
poor were corn (meal or hominy), wheat flour, salt or dried beef and pork. 
One of the innumerable complaints of the Reverend Charles Woodmason, 
of the Parish of St. Mark, had to do with the prevailing fare of his High 
Hills neighbors: "Where I am, is neither Beef or Mutton — nor Beer, 
Cyder, or anything better than Water — These People eat twice a day . . . 
Their Bread of Indian Corn, Pork in Winter & Bacon in Sumf If any 
Beef, they jerk it & dry it in the Sun — So that you may as well eat a Deal 
Board." An Indian forced himself into a German's house near Four Hole 
Swamp and took out of the pot of hominy the piece of meat that was being 
cooked with it. The Catawba Indians said that many settlers very cheer- 
fully gave them bread and milk, meat or butter. Poultry were evidently 
common, geese are occasionally mentioned in the middle country, and an 
Orangeburg settler had turkeys. Patrick Calhoun remarked on his plat of 
Hillsborough Township that the country afforded plenty of deer and wild 

^'^^JC, Mar. 1, 1744, Inventories, 1746-1748, pp. 162-169, 1751-1753, p. 470, 
1758-1761, pp. 468, 483. The Iroquois took from Haig his cap, his handkerchief 
from his neck, and his great coat, and from Brown his coat, jacket, and the shirt 
from his wallet (JC, Mar. 29, 1748). 

"Co/. Recs. of N. C, V, 355-356, above, pp. 58-59, SCG, Jan. 12, 1767. 



176 The Expansion of South Carolina 

turkeys. The beehives listed show the country was well supplied with 
honey from its own hives, if not from the forests.^® 

The various kinds of drink of the better class is indicated by the tea- 
kettles, chocolate pots and coffee mills found in the back country and in 
the fall line townships. Wine is seldom found ; John Gallman of Saxe 
Gotha township left eighteen bottles of Vidonia in 1758. Rum, less often 
whiskey, undiluted or mixed with sugar and water to make punch, was the 
usual drink of the back countryman, and was both necessity and luxury. 
With its sovereign power it might make even hard labor a pleasure, and 
was perhaps used by the new settler to get the aid of his neighbors in raising 
his log house. This was the habit in the back country of North Carolina, 
said the Moravians, who refused to believe in its efficacy: "Wagner was 
very busy with his new house, and about twenty people were helping him, 
but things never go well at such a gathering for more time is spent in 
drinking brandy than in working." The same use of it is hinted at among 
the expenses of the Cherokee War in an account for rum, which "was ab- 
solutely necessary to encourage the men to build Fort Ninety Six." ^^ The 
references to tobacco before the Cherokee War are few, but these indicate 
that it was commonly used. A poor man at Ninety Six had tobacco planted 
along with his crop and vegetables ; this was probably for his own con- 
sumption and, perhaps, for trade with his neighbors, for it does not appear 
that the back country sold tobacco at this time.*"* 

With violins the region was well supplied ; several of them by one chance 
or another get into the records. Moses Hendrick had one on Indian Creek, 
another occurs in the Congaree inventories, a third in Orangeburg and a 
fourth at the Cheraws. Martin Friday, at the Congarees, as well as John 
Tobler at New Windsor, had "a small sett [of] House Organs", but no 
others are mentioned. In the varied assortment of articles left by robbers 
in a sack hidden in a hollow tree on Twenty-Five Mile Creek, near Pine- 
tree Hill, in 1767, were two Jews harps. At a belated Regulator affair on 
a branch of Stevens Creek in 1772 a drum was kept beating and a fiddle 
playing while the offender received his five hundred lashes.*'^ 

It does not appear that life in the tiny clearings of the great forest made 
the back countrymen somber or melancholy; on the contrary, the oc- 

^^ Fulham MSS, S. Carolina (Library of Congress copies), No. 51; JC, Apr. 10, 
1753, above, p. 142; Inventories, 1753-1756, pp. 236, 1758-1761, pp. 275, 
394; PR, XXII, 201 (Glen to Board, Sept. 29, 1746), Hillsboro Plat (below, p. 
253), Col. Recs. of N. C, V, 142. 

^inventories, 1751-1753, pp. 41, 469, 1758-1761, pp. 22, 483; Fries, Records of 
the Moravians, I, 96, JCHA, June 11, 1760. William Calhoun's journal (above, n. 
53) from 1760 to 1771 records frequent sales of rum, but late in the decade these gave 
way to "liquor" which apparently meant whiskey. 

80 Above, p. 120; Inventories, 1751-1753, pp. 107, 470; JC, Mar. 19, 1735. 

^Inventories, 1758-1761, pp. 89, 274, 468, 585, 589; above, p. 69; SCAGG, 
Oct. 16, 1767 (advt. of J. N. Oglethorpe) ; JC, Feb. 3, 1772. There were Jews harps 
in Thomas Brown's inventory (1746-1748, p. 164). 



Back Country/ and Frontier 177 

casional glimpses of them when they were not concerned about the appear- 
ance of their letters or speech show them to have been a very cheerful 
people. Their life was simple and usually hard, but nature was bountiful, 
and there was no necessity for unrelieved toil. The climate and every 
creek and wood were a continual invitation to outdoor sports, and winter 
evenings by firelight or occasional candle were not without their resources 
even though spinning, carding, and other tasks required much of the time. 

Only on the northwest frontier, its nearest approach to one of the major 
Indian tribes, does the back country seem to have gathered a considerable 
number of the idle and vicious, the Indians and the Indian trade attract- 
ing rougher elements like those to be found in Saxe Gotha in the earlier 
days. Even there, however, the forces and the desire for law and order 
were distinctly uppermost; there were few who did not earnestly wish for 
advance of settlement and all that went with it. Elsewhere in the pied- 
mont the record is remarkably good. The reasons are not far to seek. The 
criminally minded were as yet little drawn to the region — there was not 
much to steal — and the idle and worthless contrived to stay in districts 
farther removed from Indian dangers. Those who came were the re- 
sponsible type who sought land and wealth, or, if that were out of reach, 
at least comfort and independence. To some very serious-minded per- 
sons like the Ebenezer Lutheran pastors and John Tobler, or to others 
like Governor Glen, desirous of writing a letter that would entertain and 
strike the fancy of his superiors in England, the back settlers offered ex- 
cellent material for lurid imaginations to play upon. The facts, however, 
were against the traducers.®^ 

The council journal notes on land petitions of the late 'forties and 
early 'fifties indicate the petitioner's signature, whether written by him- 
self or signed by mark, but the deeds and mortgages of the middle and back 
country show the inaccuracy of this record.^^ A fair estimate would place 
illiteracy between ten and twenty percent. The Germans made the best 
showing, the overland settlers from Virginia and the northern colonies the 
poorest. Failure to sign a paper, however, was no indication of economic 
status, for some of the owners of slaves and of considerable amounts of 
other property were thus listed. 

In the incomplete record made by back country inventories, books are 
an infrequent entry. This item in James Love's estate on upper Lynches 
River amounted to nearly two pounds ; in James Adamson's on the Wateree 
to twelve shillings; Benoni Fowler's books on upper Broad River were 
worth nine shillings, as were "Some old Books" belonging to Thomas 

«2Voigt, German Element, JC, July 4, 1749, PR, XXV, 350 (above, p. 121, n. 
13). For instances of bad behavior, see above, p. 121, JC, Apr. 6, Aug. 4, 1749, 
Sept. 1, 1752. For a summary account of the German element see G. P. Voigt, 
"The Germans and German-Swiss in South Carolina", Proceedings of the South 
Carolina Historical Association, 193 5. 

®^ Mesne Conveyances, Inventories, Wills. 



178 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Ortham near Ninety Six. In the older communities on the fall line and 
below, inventories made before 1760 show that John Jacob Riemensperger 
of the Congarees had sixty-four "old Dutch books," Robert Millhouse of 
the lower Wateree had over seven pounds worth, John Fallowfield of 
New Windsor had twelve "reading" books appraised at seven shillings, 
and John Tobler's library was worth over twenty-one pounds. James 
Gerald of the Congarees had a two-volume set of Fielding's Joseph 
Andrews which was valued at six shillings.^* 

Petitions from the back country were probably written out at times by 
a Charleston lawyer or the clerk of the court, but some evidently were put 
to paper without such help, and the wording of the letters copied into the 
council journal or the Indian Books bears evidence of fairly faithful trans- 
literation. They were written with what skill and knowledge of English 
the writer could muster — for like others of the day they wished to appear 
well on paper — and on the whole are no discredit to their section. The 
papers and letters of the less learned, and of those who approached danger- 
ously near to illiteracy, more often than not had some saving grace of 
simple and effective language, awkward, perhaps, but all the more charged 
with meaning for being hard-won. The writers had been little touched 
by the wordy style of the day; what they knew was to a large degree the 
English of the King James version, even though they perhaps did not get it 
direct from that source. Mary Cloud's affidavit was written out before a 
German justice of the peace in Saxe Gotha or on the Cherokee path below, 
and doubtless all the help available was rendered the worthy squire in 
putting it down. But there was little time for polishing a paper in a case 
in which time was vital, and its stark simplicity, its dignified and rhythmic 
prose, quite certainly represented the speech of the woman who had sur- 
vived, as Governor Glen put it, to tell "the whole of the Dreadful & 
Bloody Scene." '' 

A study of these back countrymen in the middle of the century impresses 
one with their soundness, their integrity, their goodly heritage of ideas and 
customs. With equal force comes the realization that conditions in their 
new home were violently upsetting to their previous habits and social or- 
ganization, and that there was as much of threat as of promise in the 
situation. In the prevailing economic equality, in the lack of government 
and of church establishment, there was the foundation for a society more 
democratic and free than ever known before to these immigrants save to 
those who had come from the back country of other colonies. The stimulus 
of the new independence, the demands upon the family and upon each re- 

«* Inventories, 1753-1756, pp. 237, 405, 1751-1753, p. 471, 1758-1761, pp. 341, 399, 
483, 1761-1763, p. 31, 1763-1767, p. 265. For identification of Love, see JC, 
Dec. 6, 1757, Ortham, JUHA, Feb. 4, 1755, Fowler, P, VII, 257. 

«2 Above, p. 122, JC, June 18, 1753. 



Back Country and Frontier 179 

sponsible member of it, developed a high degree of individualism, and 
for the most part showed these settlers at their best. The obvious danger, 
however, was that society in the back country would break down by 
reason of this very individualism and isolation, this lack of agencies like 
schools and churches which could organize the community, utilize and 
foster its intellectual and spiritual resources, and maintain stimulating 
and improving contact with the progressive influences of the outside world. 
The critical problem was therefore whether the plain vigorous culture 
characteristic of the best of these people could strike root in the soil and 
draw new strength from its bounty, its beauty and its hardships. 

Brief though their sojourn had been in the Carolina piedmont the 
settlers were striving, both consciously and unconsciously, to preserve if 
not to improve upon the heritage they brought with them. The efforts 
were sometimes effective, more often pathetically inadequate, but whether 
they took the form of attempts to educate children, to acquire handsome 
clothes or tableware, to set up churches for the improvement of the morals 
of the settlement, or of moves on the part of ambitious individuals to get 
for themselves the offices and scanty emoluments that lay within their 
reach, the tendency was to establish in the back country the social organiza- 
tion as well as the agencies and standards these leaders had known on the 
coast or in the old country. Under the circumstances it was even more dif- 
ficult to make headway toward establishing a superior class than to set up 
schools and churches, but the obstacles were economic and natural, not the 
outgrowth of any conscious or organized effort to set up democratic opinions 
and institutions. The foundations of democracy had been laid, but its 
growth was not to come until the next generation. 

More success attended the effort to achieve the simpler and more 
tangible standards or institutions of the older society. Sheer illiteracy was 
kept to a minimum, and the absence of evidence to the contrar}- indicates 
that for this elementary education the children were dependent on their 
parents. The results even in the homes of those who had a fair education 
were likely to be meager, although John Pearson succeeded well enough 
in his own task, and farther down, on the border of the middle country, 
John Tobler appears to have imparted his almanac-making craft, if not 
all of his superior learning, to his son.^ 

But most of the work of education fell to the church, and the teaching 

of creed or catechism to the young, the grappling of the elders with the 

uncompromising theology- of the day as it was set forth in the occasional 

sermon or in community pra\'er-meetings, went far toward preventing 

^ Above, p. 69. John Tobler Jr. appears to have lived until 1790 at least, 
and to have married about 1760 (JC, Apr. 6, 1762) ; presumably he grew up in 
South Carolina. In 1764 the Gazette listed nine places on the fall line and in the 
back country %yhere subscriptions might be left for the paper, and a score of others 
in the middle country (Aug. 25, Oct. 1, 1764). 



r 



180 The Expansion of South Carolina 

intellectual stagnation." I'here was yet another secular service rendered 
by the church. It is improbable that the majority of the settlers of any 
nationality represented in the back country had great religious interest, 
but the church members as a rule were the more substantial elements of 
the population, and thus the leaders were brought into more effective or- 
ganization. In turn the services strengthened the hold of the church upon 
the affection and the imagination of the people and increased the comfort 
and joy it gave to those who were able and willing to do its bidding. 

For these purposes there were in the back country in 1759 only five 
or six fully organized churches — the Waxhaw and Fishing Creek Presby- 
terian Churches, the Baptist Churches on Lynches River, Broad River 
and Fairforest Creek, and probably the German church on Crims Creek. 
Occasionally communities were visited by ministers from the middle 
country churches or by missionaries from the northern colonies. Nor were 
the Anglican leaders in the low country and in England unaware of the 
dangers and opportunities on the frontier, although in 1759 the only practi- 
cal results were the short-lived missions to the fall line settlements.*'^ 
xv The problems which vexed the back country, and the scanty list of 

forces and agencies which it could of itself muster for their solution, throw 
into strong relief the role, actual and possible, of the government which 
should have been greatest of all institutions for the purposes of order and 
progress. In appearance political authority was lacking to a degree almost 
startling. There was no court outside of Charleston, with the exception of 
the justices of the peace who had the authority to try cases involving 
about three pounds sterling or less, to issue warrants for the arrest and 
transportation of offenders to the provincial court, and to hear the appeals 
of servants having grievances against their masters. For warrants which they 
issued or executions they granted, the justices received fees of eight or 
nine pence; the few constables had similar fees for serving these papers, 
and about a penny and a half mileage. Petty breaches of the peace, small 

^^ Note the prayer meetings conducted by Pearson and John Tobler (above 
pp. 72, 157). In the Congarees Herman Geiger had — besides a Bible — a sermon 
book and five psalters, and William Howell had three volumes of "Arskens 
Sermons" (Inventories, 1751-1753, p. 107, 1756-1758, p. 178). Of physicians, 
whose professional training might have served to raise the standard of education 
as well as that of physical well-being, the back country probably had none in 
1759. Dr. John Cantzon was in the Waxhaws in 1763 (JC, Dec. 6, 1763, P, VIII, 
340, X, 55), and a year earlier Dr. Abraham Anderson in the forks of the Broad 
and Saluda advertised his oflFer to cure "CONSUMPTION, CANCKER, or in- 
ward IMPOSTHUMES" (SCG, June 19. 1762). On the fall line were Dr. 
Benjamin Farrar, in 1757 (Mesne Conveyances, 2T, 538-541), Dr. William 
Tucker, in 1765 {ibid., 3E, 383-389), both of the Congarees, and Dr. J. J. 
Sturzennegger, in New Windsor in 1765 (advt., SCG, June 8, 1765). 

^ See above, pp. 143, 145, 155, 158. The importance of the church in the 
back country was further emphasized by the South Carolina law which required 
performance of the marriage ceremony by a minister, whereas in North Carolina 
the justices of the peace had this right {Stats., II, 289, Col. Recs. of N. C, I, 601, 
VIII, 208). 



Back Country and Frontier 181 

damage suits and collection of taxes were thus provided for, while serious 
offenses could be tried only by sending the criminal to Charleston to jail, 
and by forcing witnesses to make the long and expensive trip. 

For the present, however, Indians were a greater danger to the back 
settlers than lawless persons of their own color, and the fourteen captains of 
militia resident among them were charged with the duty of registering 
every white male from sixteen to sixty. The officers had the authority to 
summon the men for drill when they should see fit up to six times in the 
j^ear, and to call out any number needed to repel an Indian attack.**^ 

Slender as was this political machinery it sufficed surprisingly well until 
the Cherokee War; the country was too thinly settled for the inhabitants 
to have much need of courts for civil relations. As yet the idle and lawless 
elements had not resorted to it in large numbers, while the militia sj'stem, 
supplemented by occasional troops of rangers, gave the back country almost 
as much protection as that enjoyed by the coast. The settlers themselves 
complained little — perhaps because they realized how small was the like- 
lihood that courts would be granted them.^" 

Whether viewed from economic or social angles, the South Carolina back 
country in 1759 presented problems and possibilities as interesting as im- 
portant. Good land that was practically free and a mild and healthful 
climate were developing a sturdy and independent population of small 
farmers, while lack of markets prevented the rise of a wealthy class. A 
few indomitable and enterprising spirits might gain the status of small 
planters and lay the foundation of an effective organization and leadership 
for the future, but this was no serious disturbance to the rule of substantial 
equality. The processes of immigration had brought to the region a popu- 
lation which was on the whole very desirable, and a goodly number who 
lacked only polish and wealth to vie with the ruling class on the coast. 
However, though its make-up was essentially sound, and its economic 
conditions gave it a common denominator, this back country society was no 
society at all; it was rather a mixture of various racial and religious 
elements with half a dozen rudimentary centers and few unifying in- 
fluences. The back country was separated from the tidewater and its well 
established institutions by the wide and thinly settled middle country, and 
by other barriers even more serious. Indeed, many of its interests and con- 
nections drew it to the piedmont settlements of the colonies to the north, 
and the problems of the South Carolina tidewater, as of the coast country 

^^¥oT the justices of the peace see Stats. Ill, 17, 131-132, 268-269. The 
militia act of 1747 {ibid., IX, 645-663) was in force until the Revolution {ibid., 
p. 663, IV, 206-209, 294-297). 

^^ An anonymous letter from the Broad and Saluda in 1762 {SCG, Apr. 3, 
1762), protesting the injustice to the dissenting back country involved in the 
Anglican establishment, listed only one other grievance, and that incidentally — the 
burden of the land tax which taxed all lands alike. Disposing of property by will 
involved probating it in Charleston, and few did so, depending instead, apparently, 
upon deeds — see for instance, JC, July 3, 1753. 



182 The Expansion of South Carolina 

of the other colonies, were being made more complex and difficult by the 
rise of an American back country section. Nevertheless economic im- 
provement demanded access to capital and markets, which in the eight- 
eenth century could be found only on the coast. Already progress had 
been made toward establishing these connections, although it was far 
from clear whether their development in this province would answer its 
needs. 

There were thus two great issues at stake in South Carolina — what 
would the back country itself develop into, and what would be its relations 
with the tidewater ? Both proved to be of vital concern to the low country, 
and from time to time during the next fifty years forced themselves upon 
the attention of its leaders even to the obscuring of their own proper 
concerns. Both geography and the social and political situation threatened 
to evolve a colony of totally dissimilar and separate sections, neither of 
them constituting a well rounded economy or society, and neither large 
enough to achieve any high development. The South Carolina tidewater 
was one of the best governed units in the British empire, but its leaders 
were at present absorbed in their own politics and in the unprecedented 
expansion of their industry; the immediate problems and the future 
/ ; significance of the back country made little impression upon them. But, 
V \ as is common in such cases, military needs enforced a measure of unity 
and strengthened organs of control which otherwise would have remained 
weak. The same process was going on in other colonies, but in few were 
the issues so critical as in South Carolina. The Seven Years War now 
came upon the colony, and was to have potent influence upon the later de- 
velopments of the back country, and on its relations with the tidewater. 

The middle country in almost every important respect was a transition 
from the tidewater to the piedmont section, and the problems just surveyed 
emphasize the significance of its role. Its population of nine thousand 
whites and near fifteen hundred slaves was spread out in long strips 
paralleling the rivers and occasionally expanding as in Amelia and 
Orangeburg. Slaveowner and small farmer were side by side in most of 
this section, save that the swamp areas were left almost entirely to the 
former. Frame houses with detached kitchens and smoke-houses were 
common, and inventories indicate that the planters, but probably not 
the farmers, used better methods than did the back countrymen. Crops 
of piedmont and coast were grown and more cattle raised than in either of 
the other two sections. No doubt many of the small farmers profited by 
rice and indigo to some extent,'^ but the capital and type of labor required 
largely restricted their cultivation to the plantation system. Transporta- 
tion was a grave problem, but not so great a barrier to progress as in the 
piedmont. On the Peedee, Wateree, Congaree and Savannah boats ran to 



71 



This is indicated by the rice and indigo advertisements. 



II 



Back Country and Frontier 183 

the fall line, but, thanks to the greater directness of the roads and the ease 
of building them, most of the traffic was by land. 

Racially the middle country was as mixed as the back country, but the 
South Carolina element was much larger than in the piedmont, and was 
clearly dominant. As in the back country there was no barrier between ele- 
ments, save that the language of the German-Swiss cut them off from the 
English speaking groups. However, in contrast with the back country 
situation, the scattered nature of the middle country German settlements 
brought assimilation of the Switzers obviously nearer ; it might even be said 
to have begun. 

So far as schools were concerned the middle country furnishes no more 
evidence of organized community work than does the back country. But 
the number of ministers, the number of planters living near one another 
who might together employ a tutor, and the comparative accessibility of 
Charleston with its advantages, held out adequate promise for educational 
development. The inventories of Tobler, Herman Geiger and others show 
the means and desire of the leading men for the finer things of life, and 
there were others besides — for instance William Seawright of Beaver 
Creek, a few miles above Amelia, who had pictures appraised at forty-six 
shillings, and two mahogany tables.'^ In religion the section was as much 
a transition as in other respects, for while the tidewater was dominantly 
Anglican, with a strong dissenter minority, the middle country was 
dominantly dissenter although most of its leaders were Anglican. 

In government the middle country had some of the advantages of the 
tidewater, and most of the disadvantages of the back country. Its justices 
of the peace were more numerous, and it was nearer the provincial court 
in Charleston. In 1759 St. Mark's was the one parish in the middle 
country proper; not until 1768 were two more established, St. David's and 
St. Matthew's. With these slender systems of courts and representation 
the middle country was not wholly content, and long before the worse 
treated back country voiced a protest, Peedee settlers called for courts, 
and Amelia, Orangeburg and Williamsburg asked for representation.^^ 

For the present the middle country seemed to be equidistant from the 
other two sections, but the drift, for the time, at least, was toward the 
tidewater: for a decade the small farmers coming into the province had 
been clearly avoiding the entire low country and going to the cooler and 
less swampy piedmont, while the phenomenal development of indigo, rice 
and slave-holding was steadily pushing the plantation system up the rivers 
toward the fall line. Nevertheless, even if this process continued apace, 
the origin and the continued existence of small farmers in the middle 

■^2 Inventories, 1758-1761, pp. 469-470. 

"^^ Stats., ly. 35-37, 230-232, 298-3p2, JCHA, Mar. 17, 1752. Williamsburg and 
Purrysburg, tidewater rather than middle country townships, were within reach of 
Prince Frederick's (1734), and St. Peter's (1747). 



184 The Expansion of South Carolina 

country guaranteed a certain amount of sympathy for, if not connection 
with the piedmont, and was one of the best promises of provincial unity. 
In this respect alone it would have stamped the settlement program of the 
thirty years preceding as a conspicuous success, for otherwise the middle 
country probably would have gone largely unsettled until the piedmont 
had grown into a populous and utterly isolated section. 



CHAPTER XIV 

The Southern Indians and their Trade, 1731-1759 

The back country was primarily the product of internal conditions in 
the province and in the colonies or countries which contributed its immi- 
grants, but problems of frontier defense constantly affected its growth and 
sometimes profoundly influenced its institutional development. The danger 
from the Indians and the warfare with them retarded the settlement of one 
district and thus indirectly encouraged that of another; it kept out some 
types of settlers, and for the others increased their dependence on the 
provincial government while it forced them to a more effective organization 
and community cooperation than would have been possible under other 
circumstances. 

For the most part the role of the backcountryman in this business was 
altogether passive. In the painfully worked out diplomacies and innumer- 
able intrigues which were the Englishman's, the Frenchman's and the In- 
dian's way of getting along with one another he was never consulted and 
seldom considered. Nevertheless he was a potential factor of great impor- 
tance, for when diplomacy and intrigue failed he must defend the colony 
or lose his home. 

When Governor Johnson reached Charleston in December 1730, the 
province had recovered most of the ground lost in the collapse of 1715. 
The Indian trade was larger that it had been in the years immediately 
preceding the Yamasee War, although relations with the Creeks and Chero- 
kees were uncertain and the French had taken advantage of the troubles of 
their rivals to establish Fort Thoulouse, or the Alabama Fort, as the Eng- 
lish called it, at the forks of the Alabama River. ^ The Carolina leaders 
now attacked the old problem with renewed vigor, the Commons as usual 
seeking peace and security, the council listening to merchant and trader 
and their schemes for enlarging trade and empire. 

The Indian trade act of 1731 provided for a commissioner with a salary 
of a hundred pounds a year, who, subject to the orders of the governor, 
was to visit the Indian nations and Fort Moore, hear complaints of Indians 
against traders, and, if he found it necessary, fine the trader and take his 
license from him. To enforce his authority he could summons other traders 
as constables. The trader as principal paid an annual license fee of four 

^ See above, pp. 13-14, and Crane, Southern Frontier, ch. XI, and pp. 256, 
328-331. The Spanish threat was through the danger of slave insurrection rather 
than through their slight influence with the Indians. 

185 



186 The Expansion of South Carolina 

pounds six shillings, with the privilege of taking two white men with him, 
but paying for others in proportion. Each trader was restricted to the 
Indian town named in his license." 

In 1734, following the murder of traders by Creeks and a threat of 
some of the Cherokees to kill their traders if they did not lower prices,' 
the House was strongly tempted to repeat the 1716-1721 experiment of 
government operation of the trade. But the protests of the merchants had 
weight with the council and caused a compromise.'* Already steps had 
been taken looking toward the building of forts in the Indian nations, and 
the colony of Georgia was now brought into the South Carolina plans. 
In a conference of committees of both houses with Oglethorpe in March 
1734, the latter agreed to put a garrison of twenty-four men among the 
upper Creeks, increasing the number to thirty the second year, if the South 
Carolina government would pay to Georgia the equivalent of about £570 
the first year and £640 the second — probably the entire cost of the proposed 
garrison.^ Meanwhile the offending Cherokees were brought to terms by 
a resolution completely stopping their trade, and at the time they made 
their submission they sold a piece of ground for a fort which was evidently 
located near Chauga, a lower town on the Tugaloo River where the 
Georgia Cherokee path converged with a branch of the Ninety Six path.® 

For building these forts and for securing a more responsible type of 
Indian trader the two houses agreed in November 1734 upon an act which 
added seven pounds three shillings to the license each principal trader had 
to pay, and imposed a duty of nearly a penny on every skin they bought.^ 
If this law could have been enforced and the southwestern trade kept 
under a single control it would have been a potent factor in maintaining 
peace and British influence among the Indians of this troubled frontier. 

Oglethorpe sailed from Charleston in April 1734, immediately after 
the agreement for the Creek garrison. He was present at the meeting of 
the Georgia Trustees the following January when an act for the regula- 
tion of the Indian trade was adopted which for the most part accurately 
copied the wording of the South Carolina act of 1731, with a clause ex- 

^ Stats., IV, 327-334. Chickasaw traders, because of the distance and the need 
to supply those Indians as cheaply as possible, were exempted from the license fee. 
This act was the last of a series which, after the experiment of 1716 with a 
government owned trade, brought the system back to the model of 1707 {ibid., II, 
309-316, Crane, Southern Frontier, pp. 193-200). 

^JC, Aug. 16, 1732, SCG, May 11, 1734 (see also "Publicola", Jan. 27, 1733); 
PR, XVII, 189 (Johnson to Board, Nov. 9, 1734), JCHA, Dec. 7, 1732, Dec. 11, 
1733. 

*JUHA, May 29, 31, 1734; JCHA, May 21, 22, 24, 28, 1734. 

^ JCHA, Mar. 9, 1734, Mar. 18, 21, Apr. 18, 28, 1735; Stats., Ill, 402. Compare 
the cost of the Fort Moore garrison — ibid., p. 390. 

^'JCHA, Nov. 22, 1734, PR, XVII, 189-191 (above, n. 3); JUHA, Nov. 23, 
1734; Haig, Map of the Cherokee Country; SCHGM, XIX, 157-161; see also 
JUHA, Feb. 21, 1734. 

^JCHA, Nov. 13-16, 21, 1734, JUHA, Nov. 14, 1734 Stats., Ill, 399-402. The 
duty was sixpence currency, the act was to be in force two years. 



Back Country and Frontier 187 

eluding all traders not licensed by Georgia from the territory of that prov- 
ince. Enforcement of the act was provided for by orders from Oglethorpe 
and the Trustees to Captain Patrick McKay, the officer who had been 
commissioned to establish the Creek garrison. McKay at once began a 
drastic reorganization of the Carolina trade and traders in the Creek, 
Chickasaw and Cherokee towns.* 

The Carolina protests against this attempt at a monopoly of the Indian 
trade were first directed to the Trustees. Oglethorpe was not suspected 
until a letter was received from him expressing his determination to en- 
force the act, and intimating that a few men engaged in the Indian trade 
were trying to force their own interests at the sacrifice of those of the 
public. A patched-up truce failed to bring even temporary peace,® and it 
was not until 1738 that the matter was settled by an order of the crown 
to the Georgia authorities to issue certificates without charge to all traders 
licensed from South Carolina.^" As a consequence the South Carolina as- 
sembly in 1739 set the license fee of traders at twelve shillings with no 
extra charge for employees. Traders were forbidden to credit Indians 
for more than six buckskins worth of goods ; the commissioner's salary was 
reduced and no provision was made for him to visit the Indian nations. 
Otherwise the act was essentially the same as that of 1731. It was con- 
tinued till 1751.^^ 

The results of Oglethorpe's venture into Indian trade regulation and 
Indian diplomacy reflect no credit on any of the parties to the controversy, 
and least of all upon himself. Instead of using his prestige to strengthen 
the hand of the South Carolina assembly in its promising move for effective 
regulation and frontier defense, his efforts were bent to transferring the 
trade to the village of Savannah and its control to the inexperienced and 
wretchedly organized Georgia government. To the officials of South 
Carolina his conduct had all the appearance of double-dealing and his send- 
ing an armed force to eject English traders, without previous attempts to 
efifect a peaceable settlement of the dispute, thoroughly warranted the re- 
mark of a Creek headman "that he had never seen such doings by the 
White People before." Cordial relations between the two governments 

8 Jones, History of Ga., I, 171, 174; Col. Recs. of Ga., I, 25, 31-43, 184-185, 
197-198; JCHA, Mar. 19, 1735, Dec. 15, 1736 (Appendix no. 5). See also JCHA, 
Mar. 5, 7, 21, 22, 25, Apr. 24, 25, 1735 and JUHA, Apr. 25, 1735; PR, XVII, 396- 
444 (Broughton to Board, October, 1737). 

''PR, XVII, 381-382, 442-444 (Georgia Trustees to Capt. Patrick McKay, 
Oct. 10, 1735— see Board Trade Journal, Dec. 17, 1735) ; above, n. 8; JCHA, May 
6, 25, June 26, July 13, 15, Dec. 15, 1736; JUHA, May 27, June 26, 1736; Stats., 
Ill, 448-449; Col. Recs. of Ga., XXI, 118, 184, 195, 206-207. 

lojCHA, Dec. 15, 1736, Dec. 2, 3, 6, 8, 9, 10, 14, 1736; JUHA, Dec. 11, 1736, 
Oct. 7, 1737, Col. Recs. of Ga., I, 282-283, PR, XVIII, 118-152 (Board of Trade 
Journal, May 19, June 6, 9, 18, 21, Aug. 3, 1737), 289-297, XIX, 79-84 (Board to 
Council Committee, Sept. 4, 1737, Order in Council, May 25, 1738). 

^^ Stats., Ill, 517-525, 587, 646, 754. The commissioner's salary was not set in 
the act, but he was paid £14:6 a year — for instance, ibid., p. 538, IV, 70. 



188 The Expansion of South Carolina 

were destroyed and they now began to compete in laxity of trade regula- 
tion. A number of traders moved over to Augusta for convenience, but a 
Savannah official despondently noted during the controversy that when the 
newly licensed traders came down with fifteen thousand pounds sterling 
worth of skins to trade they were forced to go on to Charleston with 
them/" 

The South Carolina frontier defenses at this time were primarily de- 
vised for protection against the Indians, and from 1731 to 1733 were 
manned by seventy-seven men. Garrisons were stationed at Fort Moore 
and the Pallachuccolas, sometimes called Fort Prince George, guarding the 
crossing of the lower Creek path over the Savannah. The crew of a scout 
boat and a troop of rangers likewise covered that exposed district. From 
the founding of Georgia till the Indian trade dispute the scout boat and 
a detachment of rangers were put under Oglethorpe's orders, and served 
south of the Savannah. But in September 1736 their pay came to an end, 
despite Broughton's urgent request that they be continued — both for pur- 
poses of defense and lest the colony of Georgia "give some ill turn thereof 
at Home". In this year the Fort Moore garrison was reduced to sixteen 
men.^^ 

In February and March 1737 the prospect of a Spanish attack on 
Georgia from Havana caused hurried preparations for defense of the broad 
inlets and the thin settlements from Port Royal to the Altamaha. At Port 
Royal a small fort, afterwards called Fort Frederick, and a troop of 
rangers were placed, and orders were given for bringing four or five hun- 
dred Creeks and their traders, the Uchees, and the New Windsor Chicka- 
saws to defend the Altamaha and the Savannah. It was designed to have 
three or four hundred Cherokees lie in reserve on the Santee, to overawe the 
slaves "more dreadful to our Safety," Broughton said, "than any Spanish 
Invaders". Though this alarm subsided there was still danger from the 
Spanish forces at Havana, which could use St. Augustine as a base for an 
attack upon the isolated English colonies. In 1738 therefore the British 
government sent a regiment of troops to the Georgia coast, and in September 
Oglethorpe arrived as general and commander-in-chief of the royal forces 
in Georgia and South Carolina.^^ 

The war with Spain, of which these alarms were the precursors, was 
at last declared in 1739. Oglethorpe wished to seize the opportunity to 
capture St. Augustine and thus end forever the Spanish peril to the south- 
ern coast. Despite the prevailing depression in the rice industry, the as- 

i-See, for instance, JC, May 11, June 7, 1750; JCHA, Dec. 7, 1749; Col Recs. 
of Ga., XXI, 186. For the headman's remark see JCHA, Dec. 15, 1736. 

^'■^ Stats. Ill, 316, 359, 390-391, 446, 481; JC, Jan. 26, 1733; JCHA, Jan. 19, 
1733, Mar. 18, Apr. 13, May 29, July 17, 1736, Jan. 18, 1737; JUHA, Apr. 8, 
May 27, 1736, Jan. 14, 1737. 

"JUHA, Feb. 8, Mar. 19, 1737; PR, XVIII, 172-173 (Broughton to New- 
castle, Feb. 6, 1737); Stats., Ill, 510, 537; Jones, History of Ga., I, 258-260. 



Back Country and Frontier 189 

sembly entered heartily into the project, for the Carolinians attributed 
the Stono insurrection and their other slave troubles to the Spaniards. A 
regiment of five hundred whites was raised, fifty volunteers added them- 
selves to the force and there was an indeterminate number of Indians, in- 
cluding the New Windsor Chickasaws, under the command of William 
Gray/^ There were also five men-of-war, mounting altogether a hundred 
and twenty guns, and several smaller vessels. The failure of the expedi- 
tion in July 1740 caused an investigation by the assembly, charged now with 
a debt of over seven thousand pounds. A committee of fourteen of the 
leading men of the Commons and the council finally presented an ex- 
haustive report, with an impressive array of documents and depositions, 
which were as plain evidence of Oglethorpe's lack of resolution as of the 
timidity or indifference of the commanders of the vessels.^^ 

In the counter-attack of the Spanish two years later on the forts near 
the mouth of the Altamaha Oglethorpe acquitted himself with great credit 
and complete success. For this defense he asked no aid from Bull, "since 
you can spare none but think myself Obliged to give you this notice that 
you may prepare to prevent any Revolt amongst the Negroes." The as- 
sembly, however, had already provided nine thousand pounds for the de- 
fense of the two provinces, but the eight vessels, carrying seventy-eight 
guns and six hundred men, arrived too late for action.^^ Spain had now 
shot her bolt, and was thereafter only a minor problem on the southern 
frontier. 

With the passing of this menace the external military problem of South 
Carolina became primarily a matter of rivalry with the French in main- 
taining and extending the Indian trade and Indian alliances. Until 1748 
the chief theatre of this rivalry was in the southwest, involving the Creeks, 
Choctaws and Chickasaws, for during that period the French activities 
were directed to the Gulf region rather than to the Ohio Valley area. 

Thomas Broughton and the elder William Bull, who administered the 
government from 1735 to Glen's arrival in 1743, were experienced and 
capable advocates of a vigorous expansion. ^^ The trade with the Creeks 
belonged to the English beyond any dispute, but the French, enforted at 

^^ See Report of the Committee . . . on the St. Augustine Expedition {SCHSC, 
IV, especially 19-21, 26, 30, 32, 46, 115-116, 126-127, 149, 150, 165-167, 171), Stats., 

III, 551-552. 

'^^ Stats., Ill, 546-553, 577-579; JCHA, July 18, 24, 1740, Feb. 26, July 1, 1741. 
The money was to be raised by annual levies, 1741-1745. The JUHA report (July 
2, 1741) has only 37 of the 139 documents of the appendix; it is printed in SCHSC, 

IV, 9-177. 

^"JC, June 18, 19, July 4, 16, 24, 30, 1742; Stats., Ill, 595-597, Jones, History 
of Ga., I, 344-352, above, p. 71. 

^^ Compare the aggressive proposals of the council in 1742 — JC, Aug. 14, 19, 

Sept. 3, 1742, PR, XXII, 3-4 (Board of Trade Journal, Apr. 23, May 8, 1745), 

40-56 (Representation of John Fenwicke, Apr. 9, 1745). For Fenwicke, see PR, 

XXI, 30-32 (from Charleston, Mar. 3, 1743), JCHA, Dec. 18, 1740, Crane, 
Southern Frontier, pp. 193-194. 



190 The Expansion of South Carolina 

New Orleans, Mobile and at the forks of the Alabama, kept the traders 
and their goods in perpetual danger, and were in position to block English 
expansion to the west. Oglethorpe's essay into Indian affairs resulted in 
nothing, for the garrison which marched into the Creek countrj^ did not 
build a fort. The Creeks were very well pleased, for the French could not 
prevent their trade with the English, yet offered a protection against them; 
as they blandly remarked to Glen not long afterward, "they were better 
supply'd with Goods when they lived well with both French and English." 
One of the motives of those desiring a Creek fort was better access to the 
five thousand Choctaw warriors whose market, ill supplied by the French, 
might be gained by the English. But the French with their forts had the 
Choctaws nearly surrounded, and by a judicious use of force and gifts, and 
by making it perilous for English traders to enter, kept the nation 
firmly bound. Nevertheless the bolder spirits among the English traders 
constantly planned to disrupt this control. ^^ 

Early in 1737 the Commons, fearing the possible destruction of the 
Chickasaws by the French and Choctaws and the consequent upset of the 
balance of power in the southwest, urged that an alliance be sought with 
the latter. The indefatigable trader Alexander Wood and his associate 
John Campbell were the chief instruments in the negotiations. But the 
French though weak in trade were strong in position ; they nipped this at- 
tempt in the bud, and even had the Choctaws ambush the traders on their 
way to the Chickasaw towns.~° In 1743 the Commons was for the moment 
so far aroused to the apparent danger from the French that it asked the 
lieutenant-governor to get permission again from the Creeks to build a 
fort. Bull promptly reported, two months later, that he had secured per- 
mission for a fort near Okfuskee town (on the upper Tallapoosa River, the 
first of the Creek towns on the trading path) ; he had also the promise of the 
Creeks to give assistance in building it, and with the advice of the council 
he had authorized some expenditures for the purpose. Wood, in turn 
exceeding his own instructions, sent out a hundred men to build the fort, 
and asked a suitable reward for them according to the number of French 
and Choctaw scalps they might bring in. The Commons receded from its 
plan of building a fort, however, and the over-zealous trader was repri- 
manded by the newly arrived Governor Glen and the council."^ 

Wood was a partner in the firm of Archibald McGillivray and Com- 
pany, the leading trading organization in the southwest. Both men seem 

i^C, July 29, 1735, May 22, 1745. Note Alexander Wood's plan of 1731 (JC, 
July 20, 1731). 

2«JCHA, Mar. 5, 1737, June 1, 1738; JUHA, June 1, Sept. 12, 1738, Jan. 17, 
18, 1739, Feb. 2, 1740. See PR, XXII, 45 (above, n. 18), and note the suggestion 
of the Commons that the Chickasaws be settled on the Savannah above Fort 
Moore fJCHA, Feb. 23, 1738). 

21 JUHA, Mar. 17, 1741, Jan. 22, 1745; JCHA, Oct. 8, Dec. 13, 14, 16, 1743; 
JC, Dec. 15, 1743, Mar. 21, Apr. 20, 1744, Jan. 25, 1745; Crane, Southern Frontier, 
p. 135; Swanton, Creek Indians, p. 246. 



Back Country atid Frontier 191 

to have withdrawn soon after 1743, McGilHvray leaving the province, 
Wood retiring to live on his plantation at Goose Creek, near Charleston, 
while their former partners, Patrick Brown, William Studders, George 
Cussings and Jeremiah Knott, continued the trade. Brown was now the 
dominant figure, and peace and conciliation became the guiding principle 
of the combination of which he had control.'^ 

Because of the strategic position of the Cherokee country the South 
Carolina leaders kept a watchful eye upon that tribe. The Cherokees, 
however, were usually hostile to the French, though from time to time 
they received them and took their presents, for their prime desire was to 
maintain their independence, threatened by the exposure of their Overhill 
towns to attacks from the Mississippi. Bull, reporting that they had asked 
swivel guns to enable them to protect themselves, urged the crown to fore- 
stall the French by building a fort among them.^^ 

By 1744 the southern Indian trade had made its adjustments to chang- 
ing political and economic conditions, and had assumed the lines to which it 
held closely until the Seven Years War. Traders secured their licenses 
from the Georgia and South Carolina governments as suited their con- 
venience. Little of the trade went to Georgia, however, and that probably 
came chiefly from the Lower Creeks, the only towns with which the prov- 
ince had much to do. The Spanish had ceased to be a considerable factor in 
the trade ; the French usually commanded the output of the Choctaws, but 
only a small part of that of the Creeks, while the English had the Chick- 
asaw, nearly all the Creek, and all the Cherokee trade. The last, formerly 
so little regarded, had become quite as important as that of the southwest; 
in 1751 in a list of 37 principal traders there were 17 to the Creeks, 16 to 
the Cherokees, 2 to the Catawbas, 1 to the Chickasaws (who also had a 
license to trade to the Choctaws), and 1 to the Breed Camp of Chickasaws, 
a town of that people settled on the northwest portion of the Creek lands. 
There were about 150 traders and packhorsemen among the Cherokees in 
1756, and the total of Carolina traders in the Indian nations at this period 
must have been more than 300.^* 

Patrick Brown's great Indian trade organization had no counterpart in 
the Cherokee country,""" but throughout the middle of the century there 
were in that nation unusually capable traders. With few exceptions they 
lived among the Indians, though James Maxwell, most important of them 
during the 'forties, was a planter and a member of the Commons House. 

-2 See above, p. 71, SCG, Sept. 26, 1741, PR, XVII, 430 (Affidavit of Knott, 
July 4, 1735, see above, p. 187, n. 8); Col. Recs. of Ga., XXI, 67, JC, Nov. 11, 
1747, Adair, American Indians, p. 325. For Wood see also above, p. 70. 

-3 See above, p. 43, JC, Oct. 14, 1743, July 30, 1745; JCHA, May 21, 1741, 
Oct. 7, 1743 (see also June 2, 1742); Mereness, Travels, pp. 246-247, Adair, 
American Indians, pp. 240-243. 

"*JC, June 15, 1751, Oct. 1, 1756, Laurens, Letter Books, July 4, 1755, Indian 
Books, II, pt. 2, 150-151; Swanton, Creek Indians, p. 418. 

-"Above, p. 69. 



192 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Until 1746 he was the usual spokesman of the provincial government for 
the Cherokees, but the decline of his political and economic fortunes began 
about the same time, and in 1751 he w^as bankrupt, owing ten thousand 
pounds to a Charleston merchant.^^ James Beamer, probably a native of the 
province, entered the Cherokee trade in 1724, but in 1741 he was unable 
to appear in the settlements for fear of arrest for debt. In this, the normal 
state of the trader, he lived at Eastatoe, in the Lower Towns, with his 
Cherokee wife and half-breed sons and daughters, his slaves and cattle.^^ 

Cornelius Daugherty, in the Overhllls, counted his stay in the nation 
from 1719. Illiterate and rougher than even the average of his fellows, he 
was nevertheless one of the largest traders to the nation, and liked by In- 
dians and whites. Ludovick Grant, who traded near him, entered the 
Cherokees in 1725. Like Beamer he was a man of education; his care- 
fully written letters were Governor Glen's chief dependence for Cherokee 
affairs and good evidence that he was the "Gentleman" Glen declared him 
to be. Others almost as interesting as these were Robert Bunning, the 
senior of them all, who had been in the Cherokees since the year before the 
Yamasee war, and Robert Goudey who traded only a few years in person, 
about 1750, then established his store at Ninety Six.^® Tucked away in their 
narrow valleys among the Indians with whom they had cast their lot, the 
traders found the great mountains that shut them off from their own color 
and civilization a not unwelcome barrier. This wild commerce and life 
which had tempted them from their people and ruined nearly every one of 
them, had in recompense given them an existence so easy-going, yet so far 
removed from monotony, such bountiful if simple comforts, that their 
regrets seem to have been few. 

As the settlements moved to the fall line, and the roads became easier, 
the competition between traders and between merchants became keener. 
The Indians were thus better and better supplied, and in turn became more 
and more dependent on the whites. One year's kill varied from another, 
and there were periods of decline — such as that between 1749 and 1751 
which was doubtless due largely to the war between the Creeks and Chero- 
kees, and to the troubles of the latter with other Indians. The export of 
deerskins did not recover from the Yamasee War until 1722, when it 
reached approximately 60,000. Rising irregularly to about 200,000 in 1745 
when the skins were worth £35,000, it fell to 100,000 in 1750, and did not 
reach 200,000 again until 1759. A petition in 1749 from the Charleston 

26 See JCHA, Mar. 19, 1741, Jan. 22, 1742, JC, Mar. 29, 1748, SCG, Dec. 3, 
1750 (advt. of Provost Marshal), Court Records, Common Pleas, Nov. 1752. He 
later moved to Georgia {Col. Recs. of Ga., VII, 620). 

"A. S. Salley, Jr., Warrants for Lands in South Carolina, 1680-1692 (Colum- 
bia, 1911), pp. 69, 77; JC, Nov. 9, 1732, Mar. 1, 1744, Nov. 22, 1751. 

2« Indian Books, V, 19; JC, Nov. 22, 1751, July 6, 1753, Aug. 29, 1755, above, p. 
132. 



Back Country and Frontier 193 

merchants interested in the trade was signed by thirty-one individuals or 
firms, the same number listed in a similar petition during the Oglethorpe 
affair in 1735."^ Only two or three of the earlier list appear in the second, 
but in both the names were those of the leading merchants of the town. 
Samuel Eveleigh in the early period, followed by Thomas Lambton 
and John McQueen in the 'fifties, made most of the advances to the 
traders; they in turn resold some of the skins they received to others 
in the business. The investment of the individual merchant in the 
trade was not large, but on it he made a pretty profit, which he was un- 
willing to forego. There were, however, many undesirable conditions; 
indeed, the very increase of the traffic was based in no small measure upon 
unregulated competition. In their petition of 1749 the merchants force- 
fully described the evils of improper dressing which left horns, hoofs and 
snouts on the skins to increase their weight, thus adding to the cost of car- 
riage and breeding worms. Worse still were the selling of rum and allow- 
ing reckless credit to the Indians, the abuse of the Indians by the traders 
and the utter helplessness of the government. The traders came to town 
in August, and returned shortly with their goods for purchase of skins. A 
hundred and fifty pounds made a horse-load, and transportation of this to 
the Indian country cost from three to five pounds sterling.^" 

In December 1743 James Glen arrived in Charleston to begin his 
thirteen-year administration and immediately developed an intense in- 
terest in Indian affairs. At first he exercised both caution and tact, yield- 
ing to the veteran councillors,^^ and working cordially with the leaders of 
the Commons. But early in 1746 a crisis developed; the Cherokees were 
being threatened and cajoled by the French and their Indians, the Cataw- 
bas were in danger of destruction by the Six Nations, and the Creeks were 
described as in dangerous mood. Glen now took matters in his own hands. 
Ignoring the council he called the assembly and informed the Commons 
that he had summoned the Cherokee headmen to meet him at Ninety Six 
and that he also expected to confer with the Catawbas at the Congarees 
and the Creeks at Fort Moore. A joint committee of Commons and 
council, declaring the situation was grave, expressed disapproval of the 
governor's action because it had not the sanction of the council, but since 
he had committed himself, recommended that the assembly provide for 
an escort of two hundred men to accompany him. The report likewise 

-^PR, XVII, 421 (July 4, 1735, enclosed by Broughton— see above, p. 187, n. 8), 
XXIII, 389 (Glen to Board, Aug. 12, 1749) ; Adair, American Indians, pp. 278- 
281; JC, Sept. 5, 1749; see Crane, Southern Frontier, pp. 112, 329-333. 

^^ Ibid., pp. 122, 127; JC, Sept. 7, 1749, Nov. 26, 1755; Laurens, Letter Books, 
Apr. 7, Dec. 11, 1756; PR, XXIV, 349 (Glen to Board, July 15, 1751). On 
the Indian trade see also above, p. 188, and JC, May 17, 1749. Childermas 
Croft was Commissioner from 1736 to 1747, William Pinckney served from that 
time to the Cherokee War (JCHA, May 29, 1747, JC, Feb. 7, 1760). 

^^ See, for instance, JC, May 22, 1745. 



194 The Expansion of South Carolina 

recommended that the governor be asked to give orders to repair Fort 
Moore.^- 

Having formed the force, together with fifty gentlemen volunteers and 
their servants, into a "Regiment" as he described it, Glen set out on the 
twenty-first of April. At the Congarees he conferred with the Catawbas 
who offered to escort him, but Glen, perhaps mindful of their recent 
quarrel with the Chickasaws, discreetly declined. Here he reassured the 
settlers, who feared an Indian war. At Ninety Six, attended by George 
Haig and doubtless also by Francis and his neighbors, the governor met 
the so-called "Emperor" and sixty other Cherokees, but reported nothing 
conclusive from the interview. Thence he went to Fort Moore and talked 
with the New Windsor Chickasaws and with the Creeks, returning to 
Charleston after more than a month's absence. The expedition cost over 
four hundred pounds in pay of the men alone.^^ 

The series of conferences, conducted by the inexperienced governor 
without, apparently, any leader of the council or House to advise him, 
constituted on the whole a grand but rather futile gesture. The Com- 
mons received the reports of the expedition and accounts for its expense 
in sour mood. James Maxwell was snubbed by the House when he pre- 
sented a bill for certain of the expenses, and entirely lost his influence with 
that body, while the Board of Trade, perhaps receiving unfavorable re- 
ports from the province, answered Glen's account of his achievements by 
recommending that in the future he avoid such expensive missions. A 
conference committee of the upper and lower houses reported that the ef- 
forts of the French to win over the Cherokees and the Creeks required that 
an agent be sent to each tribe. The Commons agreed to provide for both 
agents, but no action was taken until the new assembly met in September.^* 

At that time the new House heard further reports of the presence of 
French Indians in the Cherokee towns, and of "an Indian Fellow, called 
the Little Carpenter" who was expected to bring two hundred more 
shortly. George Pawley, recommended by the Commons for the agency, 
was a member of the House from Prince George Winyaw, a former sur- 
veyor of lands in the Welsh Tract, and colonel of the Craven County 
militia regiment. He had apparently no connection with the Indian trade, 
and Glen seven years later declared that the council considered him un- 
suited unless an experienced man were sent with him. The governor de- 

^^Ibid.; SCG, May 6, 1745; JCHA, Apr. 25, 1745, Mar. 13, 15, 21, Apr. 14, 15, 
1746; PR, XXII, 149-153 (Glen to Newcastle, May 3, 1746). 

^ Ibid., pp. 153-155, 199-204 and XXIV, 427-431 (Glen to Board, Sept. 29, 
1746, Dec. 1751, enclosure), above, p. 119; SCG, May 26, 1746; JC, Jan. 22, 1747; 
JCHA, June 7, 1746. 

3* JCHA, June 6, 7, 14, 17, 1746, PR, XXII, 287-288 (Board to Glen, May 26, 
1747), JC, Mar. 29, 1748. Each Commons House from 1731 to 1745 had lasted to 
within a few months of its statutory life of three years, but of the first six of 
Glen's administration (1745-1751), only one was allowed to run as long as a 
year (Smith, S. C. as a Royal Province, pp. 108, 409). 



Back Country and Frontier 195 

layed for a month giving him his commission and instructions, and thereby 
incurred the censure of the House.'^ 

There were many letters and papers from Pawley, but little more than 
titles and dates were recorded. He was insulted by some Shawnees, two 
white men and a negro of the party were wounded, and George Haig, who 
was a member of the expedition, later paid with his life for his succor of 
some settlement Indians. But the agent was able to send a deed signed 
by thirty-four of the Cherokee headmen for the lands between Ninety Six 
and Long Canes, thus fulfilling the provincial agreement with John and 
Thomas Turk. At the next session of the assembly the conference com- 
mittee appointed to consider the papers of the mission recommended that a 
fort be established "about the Place recommended by Colonel Pawley, in 
order to . . . protect our Traders, and keep those Indians in the British 
Interest ;" with the proviso that it be garrisoned by a detachment from the 
independent companies and that the Cherokees be required to exclude the 
French and Northward Indians. The Commons resolution that the fort 
be on the hither side of the mountains indicates that Pawley's proposal was 
for one in the Overhills.^^ 

In November 1746 Glen succeeded in getting a new consent from a 
few Creek headmen for building an English fort near the Alabama gar- 
rison of the French. Five months later, in the midst of his fruitless ef- 
forts to persuade the Commons to build the fort, there came news from the 
southwest that showed that the sanguine governor, like more than one 
Carolina imperialist before him, was preparing to burn his fingers in the 
Choctaw business.^^ Jam.es Adair, who entered the Chickasaw trade in 
1744, later declared that at that time Glen charged him to do all in his 
power to win over the Choctaws. The Chickasaw traders always had an 
eye on the Choctaw trade, and the Chickasaws themselves, in danger of 
extermination by French and Choctaw attacks, aided in this wilderness 
diplomacy. Thus it came about that Red Shoes, the leading Choc- 
taw chief, was approached by Adair and his doubtless more useful 
partner John Campbell, veteran of twenty years of this trade and one of 
the prime movers of the 1738 Choctaw revolt. Red Shoes, with a per- 
sonal grudge against the French, readily fell in with the plans, and in the 
summer of 1746 sent three French scalps to the Chickasaw traders for 
the governor at Charleston. The scalps failed of their destination, but in 
April 1747 the Little King, brother of Red Shoes, at the head of a Choctaw 
delegation arrived in Charleston to propose a Choctaw alliance and trade. 

^^ JCHA, Sept. 17, 18, Dec. 11, 1746 and list of members, May 25, 26, 1747, Apr. 
17, 1753; P, IV; JC, Apr. 17, 1744, Oct. 21, 1746, May 28, 1751. For Haig, see 
above, pp. 58-59. 

^MC, Jan. 22, Mar. 7, 1747, JCHA, Apr. 8, 11, 14, 1747, June 20, 1748, above, 
pp. 123-125. 

37 JC, Jan. 25, 1745, Nov. 3, 1746, Feb. 17, 1747; JCHA, Feb. 21, 1745, Feb. 17, 
Mar. 28, Apr. 8, 14, 15, 16, June 9, 10, 1747, May 16, 1750; JUHA, June 11, 1747. 



196 The Expansion of South Carolina 

At the same time Adair and his two partners, John Campbell and William 
Newbury, asked the assembly for a monopoly of the Choctaw trade.^^ 

Adair might have expected some countenance from Glen, for in his 
report to the Board of Trade the following February the governor gave 
the credit for the revolt to no one besides himself except Campbell and 
Adair, and suggested that the Board recommend a reward of a hundred 
guineas each for the two traders. But while Adair vainly waited in 
Charleston for official favors the firm of Charles McNaire and Company 
sent up two hundred horseloads of goods to the Choctaws. This is the 
first appearance of McNaire in the South Carolina Indian trade records, 
but his partner was the former Cherokee trader, James Maxwell, and in 
all probability Maxwell's equipment was used. It appears that a loan 
from Governor Glen financed or partly financed the expedition, for in 
November 1746 Matthew and Francis Roche and James Maxwell made 
a bond to Glen for one thousand pounds sterling to be paid a year later 
with ten percent interest. The obligation was assumed in 1750 by Jordan 
Roche, merchant and former Chickasaw trader, who had the provost 
marshall sell Maxwell's property at auction the next year — part of it 
Maxwell's share of the horses belonging to McNaire and Company. In 
1752 Glen sued the widow of Jordan Roche for the principal and interest 
and was accordingly paid over seventeen hundred pounds.^® 

On his arrival in the nation McNaire found himself in a sorry plight. 
The French and their allies among the Choctaws made war upon the Eng- 
lish partisans. Red Shoes was slain, and the hard-put English party instead 
of buying goods demanded presents of ammunition. McNaire added to his 
troubles the hostility of the other traders, by pretending — with no ap- 
parent denial by Glen — that the governor had given him a monopoly of 
the trade. Glen seems to have kept most of these matters to himself, but, 
the assembly not being in session, he now consulted the council. On the 
advice of that body fifteen hundred pounds of powder and twice that 
weight of bullets, half of it for the Choctaws, the rest for the Creeks and 
Chickasaws, was delivered to Roche and Maxwell. For delivery they in- 
trusted it to John Vann, one of McNaire's company, then or later of 
the Ninety Six community.*" Instead of three months or less, the usual 
trip to the Choctaws from Fort Moore, Vann took eight, excusing himself 
on the ground of floods and lack of forage. On the advice of the council 

^^PR, XXIII, 75-76 (Glen to Board, Feb. 3, 1748), Adair, American Indians, 
p. 13, Mereness, Travels, pp. 293-294, JC, Mar. 28, 1747, May 17, 1750, JCHA, 
Apr. 14, 1747, May 31, 1750. 

^^PR, XXIII, 75-76 (above, n. 38), XXIV, 418-^20, 424 (Glen to Board, Dec. 
1751, and John Vann's examination); Adair, American Indians, pp. 314-343; 
Court Records, Common Pleas, Nov. 1752 (Glen vs. Admix. Jordan Roche; Mis- 
cellaneous Records, Charleston Courthouse, MS, 1749-1751, p. 278, 1751-1754, p. 
413; JC, Dec. 14, 1747. 

*°JC, Nov. 13, Dec. 14, 1747, Jan. 9, 26, 1749, May 17, 1750, JCHA, May 23, 
1750; above, pp. 121-122. 



Back Country and Frontier 197 

other traders were encouraged to go to the Choctaws, but it was too late; 
the English cause was now hopeless.*^ Glen had made his usual grandilo- 
quent report of his achievements and he now had explanations to make of 
the relapse of the Choctaws to the French alliance. The Commons House 
investigated the affair, and in May 1749 decided that McNaire had won 
the Choctaws over. A resolution to allow him nearly £300 was lost by 
one vote; the House voted him £150, instead, and recommended him to the 
crown for reward. But a year later, on more careful investigation, a com- 
mittee charged McNaire with fraud, Adair with lying, and Roche with 
concealing evidence. A quarrel developed between the governor and Mat- 
thew Roche, and as a result the latter wrote a pamphlet, entitled "A 
Modest Reply to His Excellency", in which he used such terms that the 
Commons House declared it slander.^^ 

Investment of a thousand pounds in the Choctaw trade, even under 
these circumstances, may have appeared to Glen as fully within his rights, 
or financing the needy Maxwell in an undertaking which could be of the 
first importance to the empire, may have seemed to him a public service. 
But whatever his motives the blunder cost him dear, and later years 
showed that he did not profit by the lesson. In 1761 when he was trying 
to get payment of certain expenses of his administration he stated that 

when there had been a Scarcity of Goods in the Cherokee Nation & the 
Merchants in Town did not care to Trust the Traders, he has many times 
been obliged to procure Goods for them on his own Credit, twice to the 
amount of Ten thousand pounds each time, & has Notes of Hand of the 
Traders Bonds and Judgments to the amount of some thousands pounds, 
which are now waste Paper.*^ 

These investments in the Cherokee trade are indicated at a few other points 
in the records. He lent the trader Lantagnac money to enable him to 
make a start in that nation ; soon after the governor's retirement the Little 
Carpenter, in complaining bitterly of the abuses of the trader John El- 
liott, said that he understood Glen was related to Elliott and concerned 
in the trade with him. How gossip could make use of these reports is 
indicated by the statement of Governor Dobbs, who had his own grudges 
against Glen, that he had been told that Glen had become rich by the 
Indians.** 

"JCHA, June 1, 1749, May 23, 1750, JC, Jan. 12, Aug. 14, 1749, PR, XXIV, 
424-427 (above, n. 39), Mereness, Travels, p. 282. Chickasaw traders continued as 
before to carry on a small trade among the Choctaws, but at considerable danger 
and with occasional loss — see Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 31-32, JC, May 17, 1750, May 
29, 1754. 

^2 PR, XXIII, 205-207, 446 (Glen to Board, Oct. 10, 1748, and enclosure with 
his of Dec. 23, 1749), JCHA, May 23, 27, 1749, May 16, 23, 24, 1750; SCG, Feb. 26, 
Apr. 9, 1750. 

'*^ JCHA, Apr. 29, 1761; the amounts are in currency. 

^* S. C. Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee Country (Johnson City, 1928), 
pp. 182-183, Indian Books, V, 155-157; Col. Recs. of N. C, V, 360. 



198 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Glen's role of aggressive imperialist guaranteed him more than enough 
trouble with the planter controlled Commons House, for such plans in- 
evitably involved heavy cost in money if not in men. His practice of con- 
tracting debts not authorized, and of referring to other expenses as having 
been paid by himself, his bitter opposition to proposals for disciplining the 
Indians by stopping the trade, and these ill-advised investments added 
greatly, and unnecessarily, to his difficulties. The extreme reluctance with 
which the Commons empowered the governor to spend money in Indian 
affairs, and the polite but obvious distrust with which that house received 
his unauthorized bills indicate that the members at times questioned his 
motives as well as his judgement. 

The spectacular events in the southwest during 1747 and 1748 diverted 
attention for a time from the Cherokees, but the situation there was only 
temporarily improved by Pawley's mission, and the cause of the unrest of 
the Indians was in no way removed. The Cherokees in the Overhill towns, 
uneasily watching the French on the Mississippi, frequently attacked pass- 
ing parties, and from time to time talked of an English fort for protection 
against them.^'' The Creeks were an even greater danger than the French, 
but of all the troubles of the Cherokees the worst came from the Shawnees 
and Iroquois. The former — most inveterate wanderers of the eastern In- 
dians — had formerly been in two branches. The smaller for a time lived 
on the Savannah River, where Fort Moore was later established, and had 
been called by the Carolinians "Savannahs", whence the name of the river; 
driven out by the Catawbas they had removed to Pennsylvania during and 
after the Yamasee War. The larger body for many years were on the 
Cumberland River, but about 1730 moved to the Ohio above the mouth of 
the Scioto, where about 1750 they were re-united with the smaller portion 
of the tribe.^^ 

The endless feud of the Iroquois with the Catawbas entered a new 
phase about 1748. At that time portions of several of the tribes of the 
Six Nations were living on the Ohio near the Shawnees — Logstown (about 
twenty miles below the site of the later Fort Pitt) being the chief town of 
this newly formed confederacy. The Shawnees were not the only elements 
of the group recently associated with the French. The Iroquois were al- 
ways enemies of the Catawbas, the Shawnees usually friends of the Creeks, 
and both were sometimes friends, sometimes enemies of the Cherokees. 
But whatever their errand in the southern country, each found the Chero- 
kee towns a convenient route and stopping place. The weakness of the 
Catawbas invited attack, and the Cherokees themselves, afraid of their 
fierce visitors and at the same time looking for allies, usually, whether for 

^MC, Oct. 14, 1743, Sept. 4, 1749; PR, XXIII, 169-173 (Glen to Board, July 
26, 1748); JCHA, Dec. IS, 1736, Apr. 27, 1751; Mereness, Travels, pp. 239-255. 

*^ Fredeiick Webb Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians (2 vols., Wash- 
ington, 1910), II, 530-535. 



Back Country and Frontier 199 

fear or favor, shielded them. The Carolina traders generally called the 
Shawnees Savannahs or French Indians, the Iroquois chiefly Senecas or 
Northward Indians, but the terms during the years leading up to the 
Cherokee War were almost interchangeable ; most of the parties probably 
contained warriors from several tribes, and seem, as a rule, to have come 
from the Ohio settlement.*^ 

Early in 1748 the killing of a trader by the warriors of the Lower 
Towns and the abduction of Haig by the Northward Indians precipitated 
a crisis. Glen used the incidents to drive home his arguments for forts in 
the Overhills, but the Commons instead provided for rangers and a fort at 
the Congarees.*^ A half-hearted promise by the Commons of two hundred 
pounds for the Overhills fort was followed by an agreement of the two 
houses on a trade embargo to bring the Cherokees to terms. Upon this the 
governor abruptly put an end to the session and the matter was dropped.*^ 

In February it was reported that the new Congaree fort was complete 
and in May following, that Fort Moore was rebuilt at a cost of about three 
hundred pounds; garrisons of thirty men each had already been sent to 
these posts from the independent companies.^ In June 1749, when the 
three South Carolina independent companies were discharged, three others 
were organized from the Georgia regiment disbanded at the same time, and 
detachments from these new companies replaced the old at Fort Moore and 
the Congarees. The Commons continued to pay for the two hundred men 
in South Carolina but refused money for those left in Georgia, and the 
companies continued on this status until 1758.^^ 

The burden of defense moved the governor and assembly in January 
1748 to petition the crown for reimbursement of an annual expense of 
fifteen hundred pounds, representing this amount as being paid "for Treaties 
and Presents", whereas it was in fact the total for presents and defense. 
With surprising promptness a grant was made to the Georgia and Carolina 
governments of three thousand pounds a year, not in money but in goods for 
presents, the first shipment arriving in 1749. Some of the goods were en- 
tirely unsuited for the purpose, however, and the need of the provincial 
government for money suggested the sale of the undesirable presents and the 
application of the money to other frontier expenses. This happy solution of 
the problem was put into effect and a year later the crown, convinced by a 

*^See JC, July 30, 1745, Mar. 29, 1748, Mar. 18, 1749, Nov. 14, 15, 1751. 

*8 Above, p. 58, JC, Mar. 29, Apr. 7, 16, 21, 27, 1748, JCHA, Apr. 8, 28, 1748. 
For the rangers see JC, May 11, 1748. 

^MCHA, Apr. 30, May 3, June 20, 21, 25, 27, 28, 1748; JC, May 7, June 4, 13, 
14, 22, 28, 29, July 12, 18, 1748; SCG, July 16, 25, 1748; JUHA, June 29, 1748. 

^^^ JC, May 20, July 20, 1748, Feb. 8, 1749; JCHA, Apr. 16, 1746, Apr. 11, 1747, 
May 25, 1749; Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 5. The Commons later paid £143 more 
for the work on Fort Moore — see JCHA, May 26, Dec. 7, 1749, Feb. 10, Mar. 6, 9, 
1750, Mar. 2, 7, 1751. 

"JCHA, Feb. 6, 10, Mar. 2, Nov. 23, 1750, May 9, 1751, JC, June 16, July 4, 
1749, May 9, 1751; see below, p. 216. 



200 The Expansion of South Carolina 

representation from South Carolina that the Georgia government was not 

in position to handle the distribution of its half of the Indian presents, gave 

over the entire amount to the older colony. This bounty was continued 

until the outbreak of the next war, and afforded a welcome and needed 
relief.'^ 

The year 1749 was one of comparative quiet in the Cherokee country, 
but in the spring of 1750 the Northward Indians appeared again, killing 
four traders as they were bringing away their deerskins from the nation. 
Another party of them attacked the Catawbas, but had sixteen slain and 
four taken prisoners. In January 1751 the traders in the Lower Towns 
wrote to the "Gentlemen and Others" of the back country that there were 
upwards of a hundred Northward Indians on their way to the settlements 
who had declared that they would spare neither white nor red, and would 
slay all cattle and hogs they could find. Shortly afterwards a group call- 
ing themselves Nottawegas, doubtless a part of this band, had the ef- 
frontery to inform the governor that as the Catawbas were their mortal 
enemies they must follow them to the settlements, and if the whites har- 
bored the fugitives they must expect their cattle to be killed.''^ During the 
six months following there came a succession of reports which fully justified 
the warning. In March the store of one of the Georgia traders to the 
Creeks at Oconee was attacked, apparently by Northward and Cherokee 
Indians, the store destroyed and one man killed. There was an exodus of 
traders from the Cherokee towns, although some of the headmen strove to 
reassure them.^ 

Later in the month a band, apparently from the Ohio, seized and carried 
away four Notchees from a white man's home at the Four Holes, not 
fifty miles from Charleston. Several weeks later others, or members of the 
same party, insulted and frightened women at Moncks Corner. In April 
Indians appeared in the Congarees, killing horses and cattle, and in May 
came news of the murder of the Cloud family by the Savannahs.^^ During 
the summer and autumn months parties of Cherokees or of Northward 
Indians penetrated to Amelia Township, where they murdered a white man 
and killed cattle; to the Santee, where they committed depredations; to 
Lady's Island, near Beaufort, where they killed or captured five Uchees 
and escaped by boat ; and to the seaside in Christ Church Parish, where in 
a skirmish with a party of the militia two Indians were killed and one 

^2JC, Jan. 27, 1748, Apr. 21, 1749; JCHA, Jan. 27, 30, May 14, 1748, May 26, 
1749, May 31, 1750; PR, XXIII, 63-65 (Representation of governor, council and 
assembly to crown, Jan. 30, 1748), XXIV, 384-385 (Memorial of James Crokatt, 
provincial agent, Nov. 14, 1751), XXVII, 47 (Glen to Board, Apr. 14, 1756). 

^^JC, May 22, 1750, Apr. 1, May 7, 1751, JCHA, May 26, 1750. See also JC, 
Apr. 6, 1749. 

^^''JC, Apr. 1, May 7, 23, June 5, 8, 1751; JCHA, May 8, 1751; Indian Books, 
II, pt. 2, 7-9, 17-20. 

^^JC, Apr. 1, 17, 1751; JCHA, Apr. 25, 1751; Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 4; above, 
p. 122. 



Back Country and Frontier 201 

white man wounded. In only one of the affairs was the militia or any party 
of men able to come up with the raiders, who skulked about the swamps 
until they could find an undefended house.^ 

The initial reports of these raids caused consternation among the back 
settlers from Ninety Six to the Congarees, and several hastily built forts 
were thrown up. Doubtless these were very flimsy affairs, but John 
Pearson asked for some swivel guns "to place in Each of our Flankers", 
and James Francis wrote that "We . . . met the Generality of the Neigh- 
bourhood, at the most convenient place, & Fortifyed our Selves So as to de- 
fend us against any quantity of Indians as we Imagine could come against 
us." The Saluda settlers, so John Fairchild reported, had entirely deserted 
their homes, fleeing to the Congarees or betaking themselves to similar 
forts. Except for the Cloud murders, the back country suffered little in the 
raids. In December, however, a party of Indians passed through the fork 
of the Saluda and Broad killing cattle, stealing horses, frightening and 
insulting women until in desperation Samuel Hollinshed wrote: "If wee 
must Suffer such Losses and Dammiges & have no Restitution wee cannot 
Live here for it almost brakes us poor people the Loss of Cretors & Loss of 
Time pray exsquse the Pen & Ink being bad." ^^ 

During the spring of 1750 the debates of the governor and the assembly 
on means of defending the province and its Indian trade got no further than 
a report agreed to by the two houses that there ought to be an Overhills 
Cherokee fort built and garrisoned by the crown. But in 1751, from April 
to June, as one lot after another of reports of Indian outrages came in, the 
governor, council and Commons made earnest attempts to reconcile their 
violently conflicting ideas. The Commons throughout the session urged 
closing the Indian trade until the offending Cherokee towns came to 
terms, but Glen opposed this with elaborate arguments on the value of 
the trade, and the barrier against the French that the Cherokees con- 
stituted. He pointed out that the alternatives, if the stoppage of the trade 
failed to coerce the Indians, were devastation of the back country or an 
expedition by the province into a region all but impossible to pierce. 
Finally, in support of his favorite thesis that the Cherokees were well 
inclined, he extolled the good deeds of the past seven years and, for the 
most part, ignored their unfriendly acts."*^ 

^]C, July 2, Sept. 26, Oct. 1, 7, 1751; JCHA, Mar. 20, Apr. 17, 22, 1752; 
Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 141, 146. The attack on the Uchees was probably by 
Savannahs. 

5"JC, May 13, 23, June 7, 1751, Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 254-255; see also pp. 
21-23. The fort described by Francis was evidently on the Cherokee path above 
Ninety Six (JC, May 23, 1751) and it is probable that Pearson described the 
same fort. 

^8 JCHA, Mar. 15, 16, 17, May 26, 31, 1750, Apr. 27, 1751; JC, May 2, 28, 
1751. In 1753 a party of Northward Indians murdered a German near Four 
Holes and ravished his kinswoman. The Commons thereupon resolved to pay a 
reward for the next three months of fourteen pounds for each Northward Indian 



202 The Expansion of South Carolina 

After an angry controversy over this issue and over the revival of the 
1739 trade act ^'^ the Commons had its way in stopping the trade, with the 
provision that a force might be held in readiness in the back country in case 
this measure failed. Accordingly letters were sent to the Cherokees 
ordering all the traders out of the nation, and demanding delivery within 
two months of two headmen from each of the offending Lower Towns, 
and of some of the men concerned in the Oconee murder. Full assurance of 
loyal support was given to friendly towns and headmen, but the threat was 
made that if the offenders were not delivered they would be taken by force. 
The Georgia government was asked to withhold the Cherokee trade of 
that colony, but the raising of the reserve force was not undertaken. How- 
ever, the Commons had provided in April for two troops of rangers for the 
frontier, and the next month added two more.*'" 

The Cherokees replied to the provincial demands with evasive promises 
but refused to come to a conference until the trade was restored, their 
attitude justifying the declarations of Robert Goudey and Patrick Brown 
that the Indians held the province in complete contempt. Glen, however, 
eager to smooth things over, declared that the Cherokee messages were an 
acceptance of terms. His desire for conciliation was no doubt sharpened 
by reports that forty Cherokees had gone to Virginia to ask a trade with 
that province, and even the Virginia governor's reassurance did not allay 
his suspicions of the ancient rival.®^ The chief Cherokee headman in this 
move to reopen the Virginia trade was Atta Kulla-Kulla, the Little 
Carpenter as the traders called him, of Tomotley, an Overhills town. He 
had gone to England in his youth with Sir Alexander Cuming, and Goudey 
charged that he had spent several years among the French, returning to 
his tribe about 1748.*'' 

With positions reversed and apparently themselves on trial, the gov- 
ernor, council and certain Commons members appointed by that body for 

taken in the settlements dead or alive, with a standing oflFer thereafter of half that 
amount. Governor Glen, however, attempted to confine the reward for the first 
three months to the Indians guilty of the Four Holes affair (JCHA, Apr. 6, 7, 
11, 16, 1753, JC, Apr. 7, 10, 1753). Six Savannahs were taken shortly thereafter 
and imprisoned, but those who did not escape were released (JC, June 18, July 3, 
Aug. 7, Oct. 2, Dec. 14, 1753, Jan. 1, Feb. 6, 1754, JCHA, Aug. 25, 1753). 

^^JUHA, May 10, 1751; Stats., HI, 517-525. This act was the most objection- 
able to the governor of several included in a revival bill (JCHA, May 4, 7-11, 
1751). The act as finally passed differed little f.rom the one of 1739 save in the 
provision for sending the commissioner to the Indian nations, at a salary of forty- 
two shillings a day, or, in case he should refuse to go, an agent. The latter was 
to be approved by the assembly if it were in session, otherwise by the governor 
and council (JCHA, Jan. 16, Mar. 10, 12, 20, May 8, 9, 16, 1752, JUHA, Mar. 11, 
1752, Stats., Ill, 763-771). 

^JC, May 13, June 8, 15, July 2, 1751; Indian Books, II, pt. 2, 71; JCHA, 
Apr. 27, May 10, 11, 14, June 14, 15, 1751. 

«i JCHA, June 8, 11, 12, 14, Aug. 28, 1751, JC, Aug. 9, 16, Sept. 1, 11, 17, Nov. 
13, 22, 1751. 

62 Crane, Southern Frontier, pp. 279-280; JCHA, Sept. 17, 1746; JC, June 4, 
8, 1751; SCG, Sept. 22, 1759. 



Back Country and Frontier 203 

the purpose, agreed to send a message to the Cherokees that the friends of 
the Carolinians had nothing to fear. The guileless leaders accepted the 
assurances for the friends as meant for all, and came to Charleston to 
reopen the trade. After much difficulty they were persuaded to sign a 
treaty in which they agreed to deliver up the Oconee murderer, to return 
all stolen goods, to send down the Little Carpenter to answer charges, and 
to do their utmost to prevent the passage of French and Northward Indians 
into the South Carolina settlements. Traders were to go up at once with 
goods, but no rum was to be carried. The presents provided for the 
occasion of signing the treaty — including a hundred and thirteen guns — 
were more, so Glen said, than ever before given.^^ Thus the half-hearted 
threats of expedition or trade embargo were abandoned and the Cherokees 
cajoled into making a set of empty promises. With the sealing of this treaty 
by over-generous presents and restoration of trade the prospect of coercing 
the offending towns became slight indeed. 

The threatened destruction of the Catawbas by the continued raids of 
their northern enemies, and the consequent exposure of the frontier so long 
defended by these faithful friends, revived the project of a Catawba-Iroquois 
peace. Perhaps the chief obstacle to this move was the pride of the Cataw- 
bas themselves, who for a long time refused to go to New York for a con- 
ference lest it appear that they were suing for peace. The Nottawegas in 
May 1751 sent a talk to Glen, written at Keowee, relating the intolerable 
insult they received when they sought a peace with the Catawbas. "Since 
which time," declared the indignant Indians, "we are at War". At last 
in 1751 a peace was patched up between the ancient enemies in a meeting 
at Albany under the direction of Governor Clinton of New York.^* There 
were occasional ruptures, however, for the old feud died hard, and in these 
frays the Catawbas did not always come off worsted. But the Northward 
Indians, having laid aside only one grudge, behaved little better than be- 
fore in the settlements.*^^ 

For another group of their stout friends, the Chickasaws, the Carolina 
government could do little. Periodically there came reports of threatened 
attacks by overwhelming numbers of the French and their Choctaws, and 
regularly there was given the expected present of ammunition with full 
assurance that it would be effectively employed to keep the French amused 
on the lower Mississippi and to that extent relieve the pressure upon 
Creeks and Cherokees. The journal of one of the Chickasaw traders for 
the year ending May 1753 listed 28 Chickasaws slain by the Choctaws and 

«3JC, Sept. 2, 3, 11, 17, Oct. 25, 29, Nov. 2, 5, 6, 13-15, 20, 25, 26, 28, 1751. 
There was also in this session an acrimonious dispute because of the unwillingness 
of the governor to submit to the House the originals of papers on Indian affairs 
(JCHA, Mar. 6, 10, 11, 13, 14, 17, May 1, 1752, JC, Mar. 10, 1752). 

«*JUHA, Oct. 6, 1737; JCHA, Jan. 29, 1742, May 17, 1751; JC, Jan. 12, 1743, 
Aug. 10, 1750, May 7, 18, 20, Aug. 1, 16, 26, 1751. 

«sjC, Oct. 7, 1751, Mar. 3, Nov. 15, 1752, May 28, Aug. 7, 10, 1753. 



204 The Expansion of South Carolina 

23 of the latter slain by the Chickasaws, who also captured 5 Frenchmen. 
From June of 1753 to June of 1754 the Chickasaws lost 22 killed by the 
Choctaws, but sent word to the governor that "we still Love our Land and 
Libertys nor shall we Chuse ever to give it up but with the loss of our 
Lives." They asked the governor to send "four of your guns that make 
a great noise and will Kill our Enemies at a great distance we will either 
keep our Land or Die a long side of them guns." At this time the trader, 
John Buckles, said that there were 340 able warriors in the tribe, and so 
many women that every fellow had two or three wives at least."" 

The New Windsor Chickasaws were not so valuable an outpost as 
either the Catawbas or the "Far Chickasaws", but did good service, direct 
or indirect, during the troublous 'fifties. In a combined Cherokee and Sa- 
vannah raid in 1752 two of their women were taken prisoner; "greatly 
Irritated", so James Francis declared, by their neighbors' part in this affair 
the Chickasaws raided the Cherokee towns in turn and returned with ten 
scalps and three prisoners. Three years later from their temporary home 
below Augusta they apprehended a party of Mohawk raiders, and killed 
five of them."^ 

The experience of Glen's predecessor had shown how little profit was 
to be had from meddling in Creek affairs, but in his role as peacemaker 
among the friends of the English the governor in 1749 essayed to bring 
the Creek-Cherokee war to an end. This move aroused the misgivings of 
some of the traders who dreaded the release of energies of the surly Creek 
warriors, the fastest growing tribe in the southwest."® A series of futile 
efforts came to a climax in 1752 when, near Charleston, the Creeks mur- 
dered four members of a Cherokee delegation. The Commons, finding 
no little comfort in the troubles of the Cherokees, protested against any 
interference in the war while their headmen ignored the provisions of the 
treaty of 1751, but in the face of this opinion the governor and council 
fell back upon the wording of the Indian trade act recently passed which 
authorized the governor, on the advice of the council, to send the com- 
missioner or an agent to the Indian country."^ 

The commissioner, however, found so much to do in Charleston that 
he could not undertake this mission, and several others declined the honor. 
In desperation the governor and council in June 1752 turned to the former 
chaplain of Oglethorpe's regiment, Thomas Bosomworth and his half-breed 

«« Indian Books, III, 150, 168-171, 196-202; PR, XXIII, 388-389 (Glen to 
Board, Aug. 12, 1749) ; JCHA, Feb. 7, 1754, Jan. 27, 1756; JC, Sept. 4, 1749, May 
29, July 3, 1754, July 1, 1758. 

^^ See above, p. 71, Indian Books, III, 7-8, V, 36-37, JC, Mar. 24, 1752. 

«*JC, Apr. 27, 1748, June 2, Sept. 4, 1749, Jan. 18, 1750; JCHA, May 25, 1749, 
Mar. 15, 1750, above, p. 14. See also, for distress of the Cherokee Lower Towns, 
JC, May 5, 25, June 24, 1752, JUHA, May 6, 1752. 

«^JC, Sept. 4-7, 1749, Sept. 5, 1750, Mar. 31, Apr. 1-6, 16, 24, 28, May 25, 27, 
1752. For opposition to this agency by House members, see JCHA, May 5-8, 1752, 
Feb. 27, 1753. 



Back Country and Frontier 205 

wife Mary, sister of Malatchi, the chief headman of the Lower Creeks and 
son of the great Brim of an earlier generation. Both had had troubled 
careers in Georgia. With great boldness and skill the strangely assorted 
pair of diplomats brought about the execution of the leader in the murder 
of the Cherokee delegates, and even the pledge of Creek-Cherokee peace, 
to be confirmed in conference with the governor.^" 

Peace was finally made between the tribes about a year later, but in the 
conferences with the governor that point was almost forgotten among the 
angry demands of both Creeks and Cherokees for lower trade prices. 
Alarmed by reports of French activities among the Creeks the governor 
and assembly tried to work out a plan for reduction of the prices in re- 
turn for Creek permission to build an English fort, but nothing came of 
it.'^ Thus the decade of the 'fifties drew to a close with the Creeks still 
maintaining successfully their policy of peace with all the white nations, 
and thereby continuing to hold the balance of power in the southwest. 

Meanwhile Glen was pushing his plans for the forts that were to 
establish English control of the Cherokee country, the grand design which 
became his all-absorbing ambition. In the early years of his administration 
his schemes, like those of the previous generation of Carolinians, were 
directed primarily at the lower Mississippi.'" But succeeding events turned 
him more and more to the Tennessee. For some years he was chiefly 
concerned with the ancient Carolina problem of holding the Cherokee 
towns, the key to the Indian frontier of the province, but by 1754 it was 
no mere scheme for frontier defense that the governor had in mind. Boldly 
reversing the prevailing thought he conceived of the Cherokees and their 
land as the key to the Ohio valley, and himself as the proper leader of an 
aggressive movement which would thwart the French and secure the 
region for Great Britain. In August of that year he wrote to the Secretary 
of State proposing annexation of the Cherokee lands and, at a cost to the 
crown or the colonies of twelve thousand pounds, the building of forts that 
would command the mouths of the Wabash, the Tennessee and the Ohio.''^ 

'^°JC, May 27, June 2, 4, 11, 16, 24, 1752; Bosomworth's journal and letters 
cover pp. 23-149 of Indian Books, III; the £317 due him (JCHA, May 9, 1754) was 
paid in 1754— JCHA, Feb. 10, 27, 28, Mar. 1, Apr. 16-18, 1753, Jan. 16, Feb. 1, 
Mar. 15, 1754. For the Bosomworths see also JUHA, June 6, 1747, JC, May 3, 
1748, May 31, 1753, Crane, Southern Frontier, pp. 260-261, Col. Recs. of Ga., VI, 
252-279, Jones, History of Ga., I, 384-399. 

^iJC, May 28, 30, 31, June 2, 14, 28, July 4-7, 1753, Aug. 19, Sept. 1, 18, 20, 
1755, Jan. 10, 12, 13,15, 19, 20, 1756 ; JCHA, Sept. 16, 18, 20, 22, 1755 ; Indian Books, 
III, 191-194, V, 8, 60-75, 95; Stats., IV, 19-20. 

^2 See for instance his letter to the Board of Feb. 3, 1748 (PR, XXIII, 77-78), 
which proposed two forts in the Chickasaw and Choctaw tribes, and one in the 
upper Cherokees. Compare with this the proposals of a member of the council and 
a veteran of the old school, John Fenwicke, in his representation to the Board, 
Apr. 9, 1745 (above, n. 18). 

^3 Aug. 15, 1754 (PR, XXVI, 101-102) ; see also pp. 52-55 (Board to Sir Thomas 
Robinson, June 20, 1754), and JC, June 1, 1754. 



206 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Between the eager imperialist and his objective there lay, in air-line 
distances, nearly a hundred miles of unsettled Carolina piedmont, over a 
hundred miles of the highest and most difficult mountains of eastern 
America, and beyond them two hundred miles more of Indian country. 
The practicable routes were two or three times longer. The populous 
colonies of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania, on the other hand, had 
settlements separated by a scant two hundred miles from the forks of the 
Ohio, and a mountain region presenting not half the problems of the 
southern Appalachians. Probably Glen himself had misgivings as to the 
possibility of controlling the Ohio valley from South Carolina, for he 
seldom pressed the point. Instead his immediate and constant goal came to 
be the acquisition for the British empire of the entire country claimed by 
the Cherokees, stretching north and northwest quite to the Ohio. But the 
mountains, the course of the rivers, and the position of the Cherokees made 
this aim scarcely more practicable than the other. 

Nor were his schemes much better suited to the problems of defense. 
The obvious policy for guarding the frontier of South Carolina was a fort 
in the Lower Tow^ns which would be in reach from the settlements, 
standing troops of rangers for pursuit of roving bands of hostile Indians,^* 
subsidies of ammunition to the Cherokees for their own defense against the 
Indian allies of the French, a strictly regulated trade which might keep 
the Indians fairly satisfied when they were at peace with the English, and 
suspension of the trade as the penalty for misdeeds. Tying the shifting 
and vacillating assemblies to so consistent a policy and maintaining it 
amid conflicting interests of this and the neighboring colonies would have 
been no easy task, but it could hardly have been so difficult as the achieve- 
ments he actually effected. 

In March 1750 Glen informed the House that he had determined to 
march with forty men of the independent companies to the Cherokee 
country to make preparations for a fort, and asked the Commons to provide 
for tents, tools and carriage of baggage. On the slender foundation of the 
House resolution of 1748 — a resolution hedged about with conditions — 
and the crown instruction to acquire a site and to make an estimate of 
expense, he was probably planning to begin an elaborate plant and hoping 
that crown or colony would finish it. The Commons in obvious suspicion 
asked for the plans and orders which the governor had drawn up, and 
finding that he had no promise from the crown refused to consider his re- 
quest, proposing instead that the crown build and garrison a fort in the 
northern part of the Cherokee country to keep out the enemy Indians. 
Glen made the application to the crown but nothing came of it. The 
next year, however, after Cherokee and Northward Indian raids in 
the settlements, a conference committee recommended a fort in the Lower 

''^ Compare Glen's letter to the Board, July 15, 1750 (PR, XXIV, 69-72). 



Back Country and Frontier 207 

Towns, and in November the House committed itself to an appropria- 
tion of £428, called for by Glen's estimate, with the condition that 
the Cherokees must cede all their lands from Long Canes to Keowee River, 
the site of the proposed garrison/^ 

Glen had already told the Indians that he would build the fort in the 
spring, but he allowed a year and a half to pass before making any move. 
Finally in August 1753 Beamer and three other traders declared that if the 
fort were not built the Lower Towns would move over the mountains that 
fall for fear of destruction by their enemies, and the council advised the 
governor to proceed at once. Failing to get men at the Congarees, he went 
on to Ninety Six where Francis found enough laborers, at two pounds a 
month, to bring his party to about one hundred men. On his return to 
Charleston in December the governor produced a deed for the land on which 
the fort had been built and a strip as wide as the fort extending to the Long 
Canes.'" 

In March Glen made a report to the assembly, declaring that the 
building of the fort "really cost me in the whole upwards of five thousand 
pounds" (in sterling about seven hundred pounds), and on request of 
the Commons for an account of the expense, declared that if he were in a 
private station he would not consider eight thousand pounds currency 
adequate recompense for his trouble and expense. Instead of accounts, 
however, he merely referred to a certificate signed by two captains of the 
independent companies — his own subordinates — and stated that if the Com- 
mons paid the amount asked he would deem that body "not only just but 
Generous." A motion promptly passed appropriating five thousand pounds 
currency to the governor "for building the Fort . . . and for his Excel- 
lencys extraordinary services upon that occasion." The fort, called Fort 
Prince George, was described by Glen as two hundred feet square with 
walls and ravelins six or seven feet high; the former were reinforced by 
earthen embankments above a ditch, while the latter were made of lightwood 
posts. On the east side of the Keowee, it lay midway of the narrow bot- 
tom that intervened between the highland and the river, and commanded 
the ford leading to the town.'' 

No better move could have been made for strengthening the South 
Carolina frontier defense than the building of the Keowee fort, and the 

■^5 JCHA, Mar. 15-17, May 31, 1750, Nov. 23, 1751 (see also Jan. 25, 1752) ; PR, 
XXII, 277-278 (Glen to Board, Apr. 28, 1747), XXIII, 121-122, 148-151 (Board 
to Council committee, and recommendation thereon, June 9, 30, 1748), XXIV, 69- 
78, XXVI, 98 (Glen to Board, July 15, 1750, and to Robinson, Aug. 15, 1754) ; 
above, pp. 195, 199. 

^«JCHA, Jan. 25, 1752; JC, Aug. 7, Dec. 14, 1753, Apr. 13, 1754; PR, XXV, 
354-355 (Glen, Oct. 25, 1753, enclosed with his of same date to Board) ; Indian 
Books, IV, 83-84. 

''^ JCHA, Mar. 7, May 1, 10, 11, 1754. See description of the fort quoted from 
PR, XXVI, 106-109 (Glen to Board, Aug. 26, 1754), and discussion of location, 
D. D. Wallace, Life of Henry Laurens (New York, 1915), pp. 504-510. 



208 The Expansion of South Carolina 

cost was properly paid by the province. For Glen, however, it was merely 
the first step in the realization of his plans, and he urged with renewed 
vigor his proposal of an Overhills fort. It is not improbable that in these 
schemes Glen hoped to duplicate or to surpass the program of the Ohio 
Company, chartered in 1749 for trade in and settlement of the upper Ohio 
valley. The development of that company's plans and the approach of the 
French and Indian war now hastened a new clash of imperial interests 
and renewed the former Virginia-Carolina trade rivalry. In securing the 
approval of the Ohio Indians for the operations of the company of which he 
was a member, Lieutenant-Governor Dinwiddie held a series of confer- 
ences, gave large presents which were provided by the crown, and more 
and more essayed leadership in Southern Indian affairs. While Glen was 
building Fort Prince George the council received a letter from Dinwiddie 
saying that he had invited the Catawbas and Cherokees to a general Indian 
conference the following May, looking to defense of the Ohio country 
against the French. The councillors, jealous for the South Carolina au- 
thority over the Indians, and evidently thinking they smelt the rat of 
Virginia intrusion in the Southern Indian trade, replied that invitations to 
these Indians would best come through the South Carolina government.^^ 
On his return Glen was equally non-committal, contenting himself with a 
vague proposal to the assembly for a "confederacy" of the colonies. This 
plan contemplated conferences for present and future emergencies, but the 
governor seems to have paid no attention to the Albany Congress, appointed 
for June 1754.^' 

Meanwhile reports from the Cherokees showed a growing unrest in 
that tribe, due in part to abuses in the Indian trade. Ludovick Grant in 
March 1755 declared that the nation as a whole had come to hate the 
South Carolina traders because of mismanagement and cheating and the 
extravagant credit given to the warriors, who were now ready for any 

■^^ See Dinwiddie's letters of Nov. 8, 1752, May 23, Oct. 25, 1753 (JC, Dec. 19, 
1752, June 13, Nov. 12, 1753), and PR, XXV, 70-74 (Glen to Board, July 27, 
1752), JC, Nov. 19, 1751, Sept. 1, 1752, Nov. 12, 1753, JCHA, Nov. 23, 1751. See 
also Hayes Baker-Crothers, Virginia and the French and Indian War (Chicago, 
1928), ch. I and pp. 43-44, and W. N. Franklin, "Virginia and the Cherokee 
Indian Trade, 1673-1752, 1753-1775", East Tennessee Historical Society's Pub- 
lications, 1932, 1933. 

^^JC, Feb. 28, June 1, Aug. 1, 1754, JCHA, Mar. 5, 9, May 2, 10, 11, 1754. 
In March the crown ordered one of the independent companies to Virginia; ac- 
cordingly a hundred men were sent with Capt. James Mackay and Peter Mercier, 
commander of the Congaree garrison, lieutenant. Mercier was killed at Great 
Meadows— see JCHA, Feb. 20, 1753, Indian Books, V, 1-4, A. S. Salley, The Inde- 
pendent Company from South Carolina at Great Meadoivs (Columbia, 1932). 
For the charges and counter-charges of Glen and Dinwiddie, see PR, XXVI, 84— 
105 (Aug. 15, 1754), JC, Aug. 1, 20, 1754, JCHA, Sept. 3, 6, 1754. _ The instruc- 
tions to the Cherokees to stay at home, complained of by Dinwiddie, came from 
the traders, who took their cue from the desires, express or implied, of the 
governor and council — see, for instances, JC, Apr. 13, June 20, 1754 (letters of 
Sgt. Harrison, commanding Fort Prince George, and James Beamer). 



Back Country and Frontier 209 

measure, however desperate, which might relieve them of their debts/" 
Even more alarming was the uneasiness among the Overhill towns because 
of their exposure to the attacks of the Shawnees or "French Indians". The 
most impressive of these letters or "talks" to the governor were those sent 
by Connocortee of Chotee, "Old Hop", as the traders called the lame old 
chieftain, at this time the most influential man in the Cherokees. The 
danger in this situation was brought nearer home by the murder in 
September 1754 of the families of John Guttery and a neighbor and of 
several travellers, in all sixteen or seventeen. This occurred on Buffalo 
Creek, near the border of North and South Carolina as later surveyed, 
but then supposed to be in the northern province. The bodies, piled with 
hogs and fowls killed by the Indians, were found by a couple who had 
gone forty miles to be married and were returning to the waiting Guttery 
household. The panic-stricken discoverers remained only long enough to 
throw the bodies in a well. The Commons House in January provided 
for a troop of rangers and a reward of four and a half pounds for any 
white man or friendly Indian bringing in the scalp of an Indian found com- 
mitting violence to person or property in the province. Glen gave orders for 
raising the troop but questioned the statement of the House that there was 
evidence that the murders were done by "our Insiduous friends the Chero- 
kees", and remarked that offering scalp rewards in this manner was a 
good way to start a war. He accordingly refused to issue the proclama- 
tion.^^ 

At this point Glen's plans advanced a step nearer realization, for 
there was put at his disposal for building the Overhills fort a thousand 
pounds of the crown funds in Governor Dinwiddie's hands. Unable at 
the moment to commit the Commons to an increase of the sum, he never- 
theless undertook to get from the Cherokees authority to build the fort. 
In May 1755 the Little Carpenter was coaxed to town with thirty-two 
other Cherokees, but despite an unprecedented amount of presents, nothing 
conclusive was said or done, and the governor found that he must confer 
with Old Hop. Accordingly in June he set out accompanied by the troop 
of rangers, about fifty men from the independent companies, and a few 
volunteers. When he reached the Congarees he found that the Cherokees 
were meeting him at Saluda, seven hundred strong. From the out settle- 
ments therefore the governor raised his force to five hundred men. The 
permission for building the fort became a mere incident of this colorful 
meeting, for Glen here put in effect his cherished plan to have the Cherokees 
cede all their lands to the king. Since there was no way to assert control 
over the territory the transaction meant little save an excuse for more 

^"Indian Books, V, 41-47; see also pp. 48-59, 80-82, 85-88. 

^MC, Apr. 24, June 20, Aug. 1, Oct. 1, 19, 1754; Indian Books, V, 20-21; Col. 
Recs. of N. C, V, 140; JCHA, Jan. 22, 25, Feb. 6, 7, Mar. 1, 5, 1755; above, p. 
123. 



210 The Expansioji of South Carolina 

presents. The conference seems to have been given over almost entirely to 
such vaporings.^" 

The gifts to the Cherokees exhausted the royal store and Glen bought 
£355 worth on his own credit. He asked reimbursement by the Commons 
of this amount, and said that for repayment of further expenditures he 
would apply to the crown; the House accordingly paid the bill. In 1761 
Glen declared that at one time or another he had spent five thousand 
pounds and more in the public service, but that if the Commons would 
pay him £1,084 he would renounce further claims. This time he was 
paid £500 as a final settlement. The Board of Trade recommended that 
the crown pay the remainder, but apparently it was never done.^' 

The Saluda conference was ill-timed for the Ohio campaign, for on 
June 10th Braddock left Fort Cumberland to essay the wilderness, and 
on July 9th his force was destroyed. Dinwiddie wrote Glen later in the 
month that the Cherokees and Catawbas sent him a message that they 
could not keep their promise to aid him because Glen had summoned them 
to a meeting; otherwise, he said, they might have saved the day. The 
Cherokees were not a warlike tribe and in their present wavering allegiance 
it is extremely doubtful if they would have been of use in an expedition so 
far from their nation. The governor's only effective defense, however, was 
that the Cherokees would not go to war to the northward with their 
Overhill towns exposed to their Indian enemies, a situation due, he pointed 
out, to Dinwiddie's parsimony in remitting only a thousand pounds of the 
crown money for their defense. Glen's contention was supported by the 
application of the Little Carpenter the following December in which he 
demanded the building of the Overhills fort, declaring that the Cherokees 
were in grave danger of destruction the next spring by the French and 
their Indians.^* 

On the advice of the council Glen assured the chieftain that a force 
would be in the nation by April to build the fort, and in January set the 
Cherokee situation and his promise before the Commons. The House 
voted a thousand pounds, "not doubting" its being refunded by the crown, 
and at the end of the session resolved to add another thousand to the 
amount, but here a quarrel with the council or Upper House caused a 
deadlock. Glen sent John Pearson in advance to report on supplies in the 
Indian country and to select a site for the fort. In May he set out himself, 

82 JCHA, Mar. 7, 12, 13, 1755; PR, XXVII, 41-73 (Glen to Board, Apr. 14, 1756, 
and enclosures) ; JC, May 21, 22, June 6, Aug. 29, 1755; Indian Books, V, 48, 51-59. 
See also the account of the meeting in Col. Recs. of N. C, V, 359-360. In 
February Glen vetoed a bill for the defense of the American colonies providing 
for an issue of £40,000 currency, equal to about £5,700 sterling, to be retired in 
seven years by annual taxes (JCHA, Jan. 14, 17, 21, Feb. 1, 1755). 

»=*JCHA, Mar. 20, 1756, Mar. 22, May 14, 1757 (account of John McQueen), 
Apr. 29, May 1, 8, 1761; PR, XXIX, 228-233 (report of Board, May 27, 1762); 
Wallace, History of S. C, II, 13, n. 39. 

8*JC, Aug. 12, 29, Sept. 17, Nov. 26, Dec. 6, 8, 1755, Indian Books, V, 53-59. 



Back Country and Frontier 211 

but was not allowed to put into effect his cherished plan. On June 1st, 
a little more than a week after he left town, his successor William Henry 
Lyttelton arrived in Charleston.®^ 

Thus ended Glen's long administration. In domestic affairs, by reason 
of his considerable ability and wide range of information, his essential 
integrity and sincere devotion to the public service, he made an excellent 
record. But in his chosen role of imperialist his success was indifferent. 
With his eye on far horizons he tried to use both the Indian tribes and the 
province for purposes which often were not calculated to solve the im- 
mediate problems of either. Master of neither force nor money, he usually 
attempted to manoeuver the Commons House into such positions that it 
must needs carry out his designs, while to win the Indians to his ends he 
resorted to conciliation. The representatives of the colony, finding that he 
did not deal with them frankly, suspected his motives and often thwarted 
him. The contempt of the Indians for the South Carolina government, 
which had so much to do with the disaster of the Cherokee War, was to a 
real degree the result of tame submission to the insults of Creek and Chero- 
kee embassies and to the grotesque deviltries of the wandering parties of 
Shawnees and Iroquois. Fort Prince George was the governor's best 
frontier achievement, but the projected Overhills fort, later known as Fort 
Loudoun, was no credit to him or to anyone else associated with him in the 
enterprise. In the imperial game some risks must be run, but the establish- 
ment of a fort which could not possibly survive a real quarrel with the 
Cherokees and French was an inexcusable blunder — inexcusable because 
the nature of the country and the position of the Cherokees were notorious. 
The service of the fort in keeping the Cherokees from going over to the 
French at the beginning of the war, under pressure of French bribes and 
the attacks of Indian enemies, was a real but hardly important factor in the 
contest. In the main the Cherokees were not formidable fighters and it is 
doubtful if their attitude would have mattered in the war as a whole. The 
fact was that the French no more than the English were in position to 
take the aggressive in the southwest ; therefore neither the Cherokee nor 
the South Carolina frontier had any important relation to the war, and the 
problems throughout the struggle were local. 

S5JC, Dec. 17, 1755, Feb. 16, June 2, 1756; JCHA, Jan. 23, Feb. 3, 4, 7, Apr. 9, 
1756; SCG, May 22, 1756, PR, XXVII, 105-107 (Lyttelton to Board, June 19, 
1756). 




CAda|ji:e-dLfvouv 



Th\eBfi\CK Country In 
The Cherokee War 

a GayrUoried Fort s 
o IvLdiatv Totw Tvj 






CHAPTER XV 

The Cherokee War 

Governor Lyttelton profited by the flattering reputation which had 
preceded him and the reh'ef of most of the province at being rid of Glen. 
He promptly called the assembly, and pointed out to the Commons House 
the great need for appropriations for the Cherokee fort. When the House 
repeated its resolution for a loan of tvi^o thousand pounds to the crown he 
called attention to an instruction which seemed to forbid his approving 
such an appropriation. Upon this the Commons made the appropriation 
without condition, and, generous beyond precedent, doubled the amount.^ 

Lyttelton recalled Glen and reorganized his expedition. The force, 
consisting of two companies of provincials serving under regulations of 
regular troops and about eighty soldiers from the independent companies, 
in all about two hundred men, reached Tomotley in the Overhill towns on 
October 1st. John Pearson, sent ahead by Glen, had selected a site which 
was evidently on fairly level ground, but when the engineer, William 
Gerard De Brahm, also appointed by Glen, arrived he declared the spot 
commanded from three separate nearby heights. Amid bitter differences 
and quarrels with the officers De Brahm proceeded to lay out the lines of 
the fort; it was completed in the summer of 1757 by the commander. 
Captain Raymond Demere, formerly in command at Frederica in Georgia. 
The twelve guns for it, weighing three hundred pounds apiece, were 
brought over the mountain passes by the energetic and resourceful trader 
John Elliott.^ 

About a mile above the junction of Tellico River with the Little 
Tennessee a narrow ridge extends from the higher ground toward the 
latter stream, ending in a blufif fifty feet or more above the river. A 
hundred yards back of this point a deep ditch, still plainly marked, was cut 

1 JCHA, June 18, 22, 23, 25, 29, 30, July 1, 1756. 

2 PR, XXVH, 126, (Lyttelton to Board, July 19, 1756), Indian Books, V, 194, 
241-247, 249-253, 272-283, 290-294, 368, 375-379, VI, 74-78. P. M. Hamer, "Anglo- 
French Rivalry in the Cherokee Country, 1754-1757", North Carolina Historical 
Review, July 1925, notes the location of the fort, and quotes De Brahm's technical 
description of it, which is likewise given in Williams, Early Travels, pp. 187-194. 
See also Memoirs of Henry Timberlake (London, 1765), "Draught of the Chero- 
kee Country". As the expedition reached its destination a force of Virginians 
was preparing to depart, having constructed a small log fort on the opposite side 
of the river. This was to carry out a pledge of the Virginia government made to 
win the allegiance of the Cherokees; it was not garrisoned (Indian Books, V, 173, 
JC, Mar. 29, 1756). For Demere, see JC, Mar. 16, 1756. 

213 



214 The Expansion of South Carolina 

through the ridge to defend it against the slowly rising ground beyond. 
On the steep face overhanging the river the rocks aided in making the 
various works for commanding the wide stream, while on the south or up- 
stream side other intrenchments, still to be seen, overlooked the level ground 
which De Brahm included in the fort.^ It is easy to understand the mysti- 
fication and anger of the officers at seeing a fort placed on two levels, with 
the higher ground itself the lower end of a ridge. But the engineer was 
doubtless directing his chief attention to guarding the river against passage 
of armed boats and the event proved that the deep ditches, locust hedges and 
other defenses were sufficient protection against land attacks. 

De Brahm later declared that he pointed out to Glen in advance that a 
garrison cut off from supplies and relief by "impregnable defiles" could 
"but be accounted a hostage and sacrifice to a formidable and savage 
nation". The route to which he referred was the easier, though longer 
one, through the Tellico and Hiwassee valleys. By this way Fort Loudoun 
was about 150 miles from Fort Prince George, and that in turn, by traders' 
estimates, 300 from Charleston.* Indeed, the only practicable military 
route from Fort Loudoun to the English settlements was that through the 
Great Valley to distant Virginia, a colony which had no responsibility for 
the fort, nor any considerable commercial connection with the Overhill 
Cherokee towns. In the ensuing war with the Cherokees two British 
expeditions of a thousand men or more each stopped in the Middle Settle- 
ments, without attempting the major difficulties of the path, and in the 
Revolution North and South Carolina forces amounting to five thousand 
men confined their work to the middle towns and the Hiwassee valley, 
leaving to a Virginia detachment the task of penetrating the Great Valley 
to the Overhill towns. Modern highways through the region only add 
force to De Brahm's remarks. 

The fort was obviously intended to control the Cherokees as well as 
to protect them, and Captain Demere soon reported great unrest in the 
towns, even among the warriors formerly well affected towards the Eng- 
lish, as the French played upon their fears of losing their lands.^ In 
November a delegation from Tellico, the most exposed and disaffected 
town, made a treaty with the French governor at New Orleans, and during 
the year the French founded Fort Massac at the mouth of the Tennessee.'^ 
The South Carolina government, beset now with war-time problems, did 
nothing about the Indian trade and complaints and feeling against the 
traders became bitter. Soldiers and officers from the two forts had their 

^ The description is from notes taken by J. H. Easterby and the writer, June 5, 
1936. 

* Williams, Early Travels, pp. 189-190, Salley, George Hunter's Map. 

^ Indian Books, V, 229-230, 272-283. 

^ Ibid., p. 6; photostat of treaty obtained by Professor D. D. Wallace (see 
History of S. C, II, 15, n. 43), Library of Congress. See JCHA, Apr. 1, 1757, 
for reference to this treaty. 



Back Country and Frontier 215 

part in the growing Cherokee hostility/ as did some of the new arrivals in 
the South Carolina back country. Undesirable immigrants now appeared v 
wandering about the frontier settlements or among the Indian towns, and /" 
in December 1757 four Cherokees were killed and scalped near the Little I 
Saluda. The Indians in turn burned houses and stole horses, and for their ) 
excuse pointed to the encroachments on their lands.® t^ 

Old Hop and the Little Carpenter, the two most influential men of the 
nation, the one declining, the other ambitiously striving to increase his 
power, tried hard to steer themselves and their people safely through these 
troubled waters. Connocortee, old, clever, grim and elusive, held to the 
English trade, but could not conceal an abiding fondness for the French 
and their presents. The Carpenter, however, showed plainly that whatever 
the French offers and the Cherokee drift, in his judgment the English were 
the stronger and the Cherokees must befriend them. Occasionally he went 
to war against the French or the Indians at the mouth of the Tennessee or 
on the Mississippi.® But the situation was full of peril for white man or 
red, and the demands of the war soon brought up new and graver problems. 

In 1755 the assembly provided six thousand pounds for the general 
North American defense, five-sixths of the amount being issued in bills 
which were to be retired in five years, but the next year the Commons was 
content to regard the four thousand pounds appropriated for the building 
of Fort Loudoun as its contribution. In 1757 Pitt called upon the south- 
ern colonies to raise forces for the defense of the southern frontier, 
promising that the crown would arm, equip and feed the troops. Accord- 
ingly in July the assembly passed an act appropriating nearly twenty-three 
thousand pounds in bills, chiefly for raising a regiment of seven companies 
of a hundred men each. Two of these companies were to consist of the 
garrisons at Forts Loudoun, Prince George and Johnson, the remaining 
five represented the quota of men for service outside the province as de- 
termined at the Philadelphia conference held by Lord Loudoun, the com- 
mander-in-chief. The pay of the privates was set at six pence a day. But 
the regiment was recruited so slowly that by the following summer it 
had only four hundred men, most of them, so Lyttelton said, enlisted from 
the back country. James Francis, however, in a tour through the Tyger 

^Indian Books, V, 194-196; see also pp. 106-107, and JC, Feb. 2, 1757. Note 
the convincing statement of the captive Cherokee vyarrior in 1760 on the abuse of 
the Indians by drunken officers from Fort Prince George, and on ill usage by the 
traders (JC, June 20, 1760). 

^SCG, Sept. 22, 1759, Indian Books, V, 365-366, VI, 99, 103, 123, 128, 131, JC, 
Feb. 2, 9, 17, Dec. 14, 1757. 

^Indian Books, V, 245-246, VI, 57-66, 114-115; JC, Apr. 10, 1758. A reward 
of about five pounds in goods offered by the Commons in 1757 for the scalp of 
any white man or Indian in the French interest taken in the Cherokee towns, 
though offered to please the Cherokees, caused more trouble (JCHA, Feb. 3, 4, 
1757, Indian Books, VI, 49-52, 68-74). 



216 The Expansion of South Carolina 

and Enoree region got only a dozen recruits.^" One means of very doubt- 
ful value, used on Lyttelton's suggestion, was an act ordering the justices 
of the peace to take up all vagrants and put them in the regiment. It is 
not surprising that one of the companies on the march in 1759 to the 
garrisons in the Indian country should have lost a fifth of its number by 
desertion before it reached Ninety Six/^ 

The fact that Loudoun had spoken well of the service of the Cherokees 
in the 1757 campaign caused the Commons in 1758 to divert nearly three 
thousand pounds of the regiment fund to pay all expenses of a party of 
those warriors to be sent to Virginia. It was an unlucky move, as the 
event proved. A draft from the militia to fill the regiment, proposed by 
the governor in 1758, the House considered unconstitutional; the next 
year the Commons declared the burden of the regiment too great, and 
resolved to provide for only three hundred men, who should, with the 
independent companies, serve for the immediate protection of the 
province.^" 

The plan of 1758 to equip five hundred or a thousand Cherokees for 
service was prosecuted with vigor by the Virginia and South Carolina 
governments, and five hundred warriors set out for the Virginia frontier, 
besides two hundred others who went down the Tennessee River. During 
the spring months, however, a succession of letters and affidavits showed 
how well these Indians had studied the lessons of the Shawnees and 
Iroquois. Cherokee plunderings in southwest Virginia brought about 
clashes with the militia and settlers there in which thirty warriors were 
reported slain.^^ 

Lyttelton, asked by Lieutenant-Governor Fauquier to make up the 
affair with the Cherokees, threatened the Indians if they persisted in their 
bad behavior, and at the same time promised presents sufficient to satisfy the 
relatives of the slain provided the warriors seeking revenge were recalled. 
The Cherokee situation had meanwhile been further complicated by the 
Little Carpenter who joined the expedition of General Forbes on his 
slow march upon Fort DuQuesne. Two days before the army reached 
the fort the Carpenter and his party deserted, were brought back and dis- 
armed by Forbes and dismissed in disgrace. Serious as was the offense 
the South Carolina government could not afford to make an enemy of the 
little Napoleon, and Lyttelton, on the council's advice, solemnly forgave 

^^ Stats., IV, 18-19, 45, JCHA, June 22, 24, 1757; JC, July 12, 1757; PR, XXVII. 
349-352 (Circular letter Dec. 30, 1757), XXVIII, 105-106 (Lyttelton to Admiral 
Boscawen, Aug. 22, 1758; see also his to Board and Pitt, Nov. 30, 1757, Aug. 7, 
1758, XXVII, 332, XXVIII, 47-48); Indian Books, VI, 104-105. In July 1759 
there were 386 men in the regiment (JCHA, July 7, 1759), although at one time it 
had 500. 

" JC, Sept. 17, 1759, JCHA, Apr. 28, May 2, 3, 1758, Stats.. IV, 51-52. 

i-JCHA, Mar. 17, 18, Apr. 28, May 2, 3, 1758, July 5, 7, 9, 1759. 

13 JCHA, Mar. 17, 18, 1758, JC, Mar. 13, 14, May 12, 1758, Indian Books, VI, 
137-139, 153-162, PR, XXVIII, 79-82 (Lyttelton to Board, Oct. 2, 1758). 



Back Country and Frontier 217 

him. But all efforts at conciliation failed to make up the breach, and in 
the last days of April Cherokees, chiefly from the town of Settico near 
Fort Loudoun, fell upon the North Carolina settlers on the Yadkin and 
Catawba and killed and scalped fourteen. At the same time three more 
scalps were taken on upper Broad River, apparently by warriors from 
Eastatoe, one of the Lower Towns. When the commander of Fort Prince 
George, in accordance with Governor Lyttelton's orders, stopped the 
passage of ammunition to the Overhills there was a general outburst from 
the offended towns, and their traders fled to Fort Prince George, few of 
them carrying anything whatever with them. The Lower Towns con- 
ferred with the Creeks, expecting aid from them and French ammunition 
and goods from the Alabama fort.^* 

Although in every division of the Cherokees were to be found warriors 
who had struck some blow at the whites, of the Lower Towns only could 
it be said that the greater part were hostile ; in' the rest of the nation per- 
haps only Settico and Tellico were inveterate in their enmity. There was 
little complaint to make of the Valley which had a tradition of warm 
friendship for the English, and from the Middle Settlements the "Round 
O" of Sticoe in September 1759 led a large delegation of headmen to the 
Lower Towns to threaten them into good behavior. In this situation lay 
the only hope of arresting the drift toward war. In times past surprising 
success had attended the efforts of those bold and capable agents who had 
executed their missions in the heart of the Indian nations, and, as James 
Adair pointed out years later, the divisions among the Cherokees invited 
such an embassy. But when the clumsy diplomacy of the commanders of 
the forts as well as the negotiations in the conferences at Charleston 
failed, the new governor was not inclined to further talk. Glen had 
been too pacific ; Lyttelton now proved rash.^^ 

With his council the governor took stock of the situation. Fort 
Loudoun, now under Captain Paul Demere, brother of Raymond, had 
scanty supplies of food and only 132 men, while Fort Prince George had 
93 under Lieutenant Richard Coytmore. On the other hand the traders 
had never been more active, and the nation was full of goods, one Charles- 
ton firm having sent in the last year nearly £5,000 worth of goods besides 
presents. John McQueen said he had sent 2,000 pounds of ammunition 
to the traders since the first of June with orders for much more. Lyttel- 
ton at once ordered a detachment of seventy men from the provincial 

"PR, XXVIII, 226-230, 247-248, 257-260 (Lyttelton to Board, Oct. 16, 1759, 
and Coytmore to him, Aug. 3, and Sept. 26, enclosed with his of Sept. 1, and Oct. 
16); JC, July4, Nov. 1, 7, 8, 14, 16, 1758, Apr. 7, 1759; Indian Books, VI, 181-185; 
SCG, July 14, Aug. 4, 25, Sept. 22, Oct. 6, 1759. 

^^SCG, Sept. 22, 1759, Adair, American Indians, pp. 248-249. Note Lyttelton's 
proposal for an attack, in the spring of 1759, upon the Alabama fort with a force of 
2,000 men to be drawn from the garrisons and the militia (PR, XXVIII, 94-100, 
Lyttelton to Pitt, Nov. 4, 1758). 



218 The Expansion of South Carolina 

troops to Fort Loudoun under Captain John Stuart, later superintendent 
of southern Indian affairs, but it was a month before Stuart was able to 
get farther than Fort Prince George. At Fort Loudoun Captain Demere 
helped himself by killing and salting all his cattle, seventy head, and got in 
all the corn he had planted. The Commons in July had provided two 
troops of rangers until the first of November, but Lyttelton — perhaps the 
council also — was already planning recourse to arms on a far larger scale. ^® 

The news of more Cherokee outbreaks reached the governor on the 
last day of September. The next day he met the council, five members 
attending including the younger William Bull, and laid the problem before 
them. The council advised him to send orders to the three colonels of the 
middle and back country militia to assemble their regiments and to draft 
and hold half the men for further orders. They further advised him to 
call on the Catawbas, Chickasaws and Creeks for aid, to have all but 
twenty of the troops in Charleston ready to march, and to apply to Virginia 
to reinforce and supply Fort Loudoun by way of the Holston River. 
These recommendations had been put in effect by the time the assembly 
met, according to call, on the fifth. The governor recounted his moves 
and plans and earnestly urged the Commons to make provision for pay- 
ment of the militia, for purchase of half a dozen one-pounder field guns 
which could be carried over the Cherokee mountains, and for a small 
fort in the Catawbas which would enable those warriors to serve with the 
expedition. He pointed out that the militia law empowered him to impress 
supplies, but that provision for speedy payment would make the process 
much easier. He announced that he would himself command the expedi- 
tion." 

Drastic as was Lyttelton's exercise of his authority in drafting the 
militia for an expedition to the frontier and perhaps across the mountains, 
the House promptly approved it; the proposal to pay the men for the 
service, a provision not in the militia acts, doubtless made it more palatable 
to the assembly as well as to the men themselves. A committee submitted 
a report with thirty recommendations including provision for a force of 
fifteen hundred with pay ranging from nearly fourteen pence a day for 
privates to about six shillings for the two colonels. The House de- 
bated the report for two days and with a few changes adopted the recom- 
mendations.^^ 

i«JC, Aug. 13, 14, 1759, PR, XXVIII, 209-210 (Lyttelton to Board, Sept. 1, 
1759), 256-260 (Coytmore and Stuart to Lyttelton, enclosed by him in letter of 
Oct. 16, 1759 to Board) ; SCG, Nov. 17, 1759; JCHA, Jul. 12, 13, 1759. Raymond 
Demere was succeeded by his brother Paul, Aug. 14, 1757 (Indian Books, VI, 
76-78). 

"JC, Oct. 1, 1759 (see also Sept. 17), JCHA, Oct. 5, 1759; PR, XXVIII, 266 
(excerpts of letters of Speaker of Commons to S. C. agent, read by Board, Feb. 1, 
1760) ; SCG, Oct. 6, 1759. 

^«JCHA, Oct. 6, 9, 10, 11, 13, 1759; see also Feb. 6, 14, 1760. 



II 



Back Country and Frontier 219 

On the 13th of October letters from Fort Prince George announced 
that two parties of Indians were on the way to Charleston, having set out, 
Coytmore said, when their demand for ammunition was refused. When 
they were received on the 19th they indicated that they were ready to make 
peace, though they proposed no amends whatever, and Tistoe of Keowee 
complained bitterly of Coytmore's abuse of their warriors and their women 
when he was drunk. After four days debate the council divided equally, 
four for carrying on the expedition, four for holding a number of the 
embassy as hostages until the Cherokees gave satisfaction for the twenty 
whites slain and the four wounded but not yet dead. The governor, how- 
ever, remained unchanged in his opinion, and informed the delegation that 
he was going to the nation to enforce his demands ; as for them, he promised 
to see them safe home.^® 

Lyttelton left Charleston on the 26th of October for the militia ren- 
dezvous at the Congarees. When he found that the draft from the three 
regiments did not bring out the fifteen hundred men, and that those regi- 
ments murmured at the prospect of a further demand upon them, the 
governor ordered a draft of five hundred men from four other regiments. 
Desertions were frequent — especially of the new back settlers, so the 
Gazette announced — and by the time Ninety Six was reached on November 
21st, what with these losses and "Meazles, Purgings and pleuritic Com- 
plaints", the effective force was reduced to 1299 men. To fill up the 
ranks 200 of the new levies were ordered to follow at once. More than 
a hundred wagons besides carts and pack horses constituted the baggage 
train. At Ninety Six Lyttelton built a stockade ninety feet square around 
Goudey's barn to make it serve as a fort and magazine. On the 29th the 
expedition left Ninety Six in good spirits for Fort Prince George which it 
reached on December 9th; arrival of the later militia drafts brought the 
force up to 1700 men.^ 

The refractory towns of the Cherokees, representing about five hundred 
warriors, were reported unchanged in their attitude, while the rest of the 
nation desired peace. Lyttelton at once dismissed all the Cherokees who 
had returned with him except twenty-eight of the leading men, but the fic- 
tion was maintained that they were voluntary prisoners. After ten days the 

^^PR, XXVIII, 246-247 (Lyttelton to Board, Oct. 16, 1759) ; JC, Oct. 15, 19-22, 
1759. A few days before the governor, on advice of the council, issued orders for 
stopping a cargo, reported to be one hundred horse-loads of goods and ammunition 
bound from Virginia to the Cherokee towns by way of the South Carolina piedmont 
(JC, Oct. 7, 14, 1759). Hewat says that the Great Warrior of Chotee, Old Hop's 
town, tried to speak, and that Bull tried to get him a hearing, but that Lyttelton 
would not listen and put an end to the conference (Carroll, Collections, I, 445). 
It is only fair to Lyttelton to say, however, that further talk with this delegation 
could have made no real difference in the course of events. 

-""SCG, Nov. 1, 3, 10, 17, Dec. 1, 8, 22, 29, 1759; JC, Oct. 4, Nov. 10, 24, 26, 
1759; PR, XXVIII, 280-282 (Lyttelton to Board, Dec. 10, 1759). There was an 
abortive attempt of the North Carolina administration to reinforce Lyttelton by a 
militia draft. Col. Recs. of N. C, VI 60-61, 136-137, 220-221. 



/ 



220 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Little Carpenter appeared, bringing a French prisoner, and talked about 
peace but avoided all controversial topics. The governor reminded him of 
the treaty which he and Tistoe, one of the hostages, had signed in London 
in 1730, under which an Indian killing a white man was to be given up for 
punishment. He therefore demanded twenty-four Cherokees — saying 
that he expected them to be from the murder gangs — to be put to death or 
otherwise dealt with as he might see fit. After a conference with the 
hostages the Carpenter went away, but returned two days later and secured 
the release of Tistoe, and the next day two murderers were delivered up by 
the Keowee warriors. Then came three more days delay, during which 
plans were made to destroy Eastatoe, a larger town above Keowee. But 
Lyttelton's force was on the verge of disintegration. Six days after the 
arrival of the expedition at Fort Prince George the Gazette repeated 
reports that the smallpox had lately destroyed nearly half of the Catawbas 
— and there were Catawbas with the expedition — spreading thence to the 
white settlements at the Cheraws and the Waterees, and that it had been 
found also at Keowee. Measles raged through the hapless camp, the men 
deserted in increasing numbers, and on the 12th of December only 1,105 
appeared at review. ''^ 

On the 26th, with three-fourths of his force apparently ready to 
desert, Lyttelton made a treaty with the Cherokees. By it the treaty of 
1730 was confirmed, and the further agreement made that whereas the 
Cherokees had killed sundry persons since November 19, 1758 — at which 
time the previous troubles in Virginia had been settled — and had yielded 
up only two of the guilty warriors, twenty-two hostages should be held 
as security until that number of offenders were surrendered. Traders 
were to enter the nation at once. Six Cherokees, including the Little 
Carpenter and the Great Warrior, signed the treaty, but the latter soon 
repudiated his signature, and the Carpenter, adhering to it, lost his in- 
fluence with the tribe. The treaty, poor substitute as it was for a real 
settlement, came just in time, for the second day afterwards several men 
of the expedition showed symptoms of smallpox. The governor "in- 
timated" that those who cared to could leave; in an hour nearly seven 
hundred had made up their packs "and filed off with great alertness," and 
the expedition dispersed. That the scare was no idle one is shown by the 
fact that within the next two months fourteen cases died in Fort Prince 
George. The South Carolina Gazette in April following said that of 
about six thousand persons who had had the disease naturally or by 
innoculation since February, about 380 whites and 350 negroes had died. 
According to Adair only the spread of the plague in their own towns 
and their internal dissension kept the Cherokees from attacking the de- 

^^SCG, Dec. 8, 15, 22, 1759, Jan. 12, 1760. If Tistoe went to England with the 
Cuming mission he was presumably the "Tathtowe" of that group — see Crane, 
Southern Frontier, p. 279, Williams, Early Travels, pp. 127-128. 



Back Country and Frontier 221 

moralized host. The governor reached Charleston on the 8th of January. 
He tried to enter quietly, on this as on other occasions avoiding display, but 
was received with salutes, parades and many congratulatory addresses.^^ 

The Commons House provided with reasonable promptness for paying 
the cost of the expedition which a committee in 1761 put at nearly twenty- 
five thousand pounds. Most of this amount, along with other expenses of 
the year, was paid with orders which were to be retired within five years. 
The pay of the militia came to about eight thousand pounds, and the 
greater part of it and of the nearly six hundred small sums for food and 
services went to the settlers in the middle and back country. This money, 
along with similar receipts during the Indian troubles, afforded a small 
recompense for their losses.^^ 

The expedition which ended so ingloriously is usually called Lyttelton's, 
although the credit for it belongs almost as much to the council and Com- 
mons. Under the best circumstances it could have achieved no more than 
a demonstration before the Lower Towns, or the destruction of some of 
them, without touching the centers of the Cherokee power. The collapse 
of the expedition emboldened the war party in the nation, and the bad faith 
in keeping the hostages increased its fury. 

For three weeks after the treaty the Cherokees were "remarkably 
assiduous" in their friendliness to the whites, doubtless waiting to supply 
themselves from the traders and to disarm suspicion. In the ensuing plot 
and first outbreak the Overhills appeared to have no part, but the Lower 
Towns and Middle Settlements were deeply involved. On the 19th of 
January James Beamer's half-breed son Thomas, a man of intelligence 
and property and himself a licensed trader, at the request of the Young 
Warrior of Eastatoe accompanied a party of seventy or eighty to Fort 
Prince George. The Warrior pretended to be delivering up two men for 
punishment, but Beamer discovered that though they made a show of 
leaving their arms two miles from the fort, they still had hatchets under 
their blankets, and Coytmore was able to frustrate the plot. On the same 
day and by a detachment of the same party the killing of the traders began. 
John Elliott, now in the Lower Towns, was perhaps their first victim. 
The slaughter was general, but a number escaped, thanks to their skill and 
hardihood, the timely warning of their Indian women, or some lucky 
chance such as that to which James Beamer owed his life. His house near 
Eastatoe was cut of¥ from the towns for two days by high water. When 

^~SCG, Jan. 12, 19, Apr. 19, Aug. 23, 1760; JC, Jan. 11, 1760; below p. 224; 
Indian Books, VI, 219-220, Adair, American Indians, pp. 247-251. Note also 
SCG, Mar. 22, 1760 that not five hundred remained to take the smallpox. 

^^ Stats., IV, 113-128, JCHA, June 20, 1760, May 20, 1761. Later accounts 
added over two thousand pounds to the amount (JCHA, June 23, 1761). The pre- 
ceding August the commissary stated that he had bought all the flour in the back 
settlements and had contracted with the settlers for 70,000 pounds of their present 
crop (JC, Aug. 14, 1759). 



222 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Thomas Beamer heard of the murders he hurried his father away to the 
nearest settlement, and came back for his Cherokee mother and what goods 
they could take away. He then went to Charleston and there on the 
31st gave the first news of the outbreak."^ 

Failing in their attempt on Fort Prince George the Lower Towns 
warriors turned out in a body, with a great many from the Middle Settle- 
ments and the Valley, and fell upon the frontier. The day they started a 
Cherokee wench set out from Fort Prince George in advance of five or six 
hundred Indians. She arrived at Ninety Six on the 30th, two traders 
reaching the post the same day, and the alarm thus given undoubtedly pre- 
vented a massacre. Twenty men came in from the community that day, 
and twenty more were expected during the night. Other traders were 
reported to have gone towards Savannah Town to warn settlers in that 
direction. Before the attack on Ninety Six Aaron Price, a Cherokee 
trader, with a letter from Francis dated the 31st, set out for Charleston 
which by an air line was a hundred and sixty miles away. On the 2nd 
of February Lyttelton laid the letter before the council; the South Carolina 
Gazette remarked that Price was on the road two days and a few hours.^^ 

The first blow fell upon the new settlers of Long Cane. About a 
hundred and fifty of them, including the Calhouns, on February 1st made 
the fatal mistake of trying, with their loaded wagons, to flee before the 
savages. With a few hours work on a stockade the forty men could have 
successfully defended their families in any house. But the day they started, 
near the crossing of Long Cane Creek, on the way to Augusta, they were 
attacked by a hundred Cherokees. In the wild confusion few of the men 
could even lay hand on guns ; the Indians killed twenty-three, including 
the mother of the Calhouns, and captured nearly as many; after half an 
hour's futile fight the men fled to Augusta. Days afterward nine or more 
children of the party were found ; some of them had been scalped and left 
for dead, others had scurried to cover during the attack. Near Stevens 
Creek there was a similar surprise of a score of fugitives, with like dis- 
astrous results. The attack on Ninety Six materialized on the 3rd, but 
after two hours of firing the Cherokees retired with a loss of two men. 
Two others had been taken by a scouting party of the garrison the day 
before. On the day of the fight at Ninety Six other settlers were gathered 
at William Turner's under the command of Andrew Brown, captain of 
the militia. While they were building a fort, doubtless on Turner's land 
at the mouth of Bush River, they suffered a four-hour attack by the Indians, 
with no loss to themselves, and killed several of the enemy.^® 

2* PR, XXVIII, 311-312 (Lyttelton to Board, Feb. 22, 1760); JC, Feb. 4, 14, 
1760; SCG, Feb. 9, 1760; Indian Books, VI, 222. On Beamer see Indian Books, II, 
pt. 2, 150-151, Wills, 1760-1767, p. 42. 

25 JC, Feb. 2, 1760, Indian Books, VI, 222, SCG, Feb. 9, 1760. 

^^SCG, Feb. 9, 16, 23, 1760, above p. 133. 



Back Country and Frontier 223 

John Pearson wrote on February 8th that the Indians were reported to 
have killed twenty-seven on Raeburns Creek, but this was not confirmed. 
On Bush River Pearson said all the settlers had fled save a group with 
Jacob Brooks; these were doubtless the builders of Brooks' or Rhall's 
fort, which appears to have been on the middle course of that stream. On 
receipt of later letters the lieutenant-governor and council agreed that 
Brooks be offered a commission as commander of the fort with the provision 
that if he refused, the garrison should elect a commander. In two forts 
on the Enoree there were thirty-six men and nearly three hundred and 
fifty women and children.^^ 

The attack on the Savannah River settlements above Augusta and 
Fort Moore came somewhat later, but on the 15th of February Ulric 
Tobler, the highly esteemed son of the elder John Tobler, was killed near 
Fort Moore by a volley which was meant for some other person marked 
out for special vengeance. Within a few miles of Fort Moore John Tobler 
and George Galphin built forts, and on the Georgia side, above Augusta, 
several were in process of construction, one of them designed for six 
hundred persons. As far down as Buckhead Swamp on the Salkehatchie 
and at Orangeburg and the Congarees there were other stockades.^^ 

The parties of Cherokees in this general onslaught varied from a dozen 
to a hundred, and were estimated at about eight hundred altogether. 
There were some murders in the back country of North Carolina, ^'' but the 
Georgia settlements escaped serious loss. Only the stockade forts, which 
within a week of the Long Cane affair dotted the frontier, prevented 
wholesale slaughter in South Carolina. Constructed in desperate haste 
these defenses were flimsy enough at first, but as time wore on and more 
and more of the settlers ventured to return they were strengthened and im- 
proved and increased in number until probably half the population of the ^ 
upper valleys of the piedmont was housed in them. From these rude 
citadels the men sallied out to do a little work in the fields or to look after 
the cattle that were left, and in more quiet periods families ventured to 
their homes. The remainder of the population almost as far down as the 
fall line abandoned the exposed regions and fled to the Congarees or 
farther down the country. 

The first attack of the Cherokees was over in a few days, and the 
triumphant warriors hastened to their towns to exhibit their scalps and 
their wretched captives, while the unlucky nursed their wounds and dis- 
appointments. In this interval Abraham, a negro slave belonging to a 
trader in Fort Loudoun, on promise of his freedom slipped through the 

^■^JC, Feb. 11, Mar. 19, 21, Apr. 1, 30, 1760. For approximate location of 
Brooks' Fort, see P, VI, 333 and index to Plats from which adjoining plats may be 
located. For Pearson's letter see Indian Books, VI, 218. 

^^SCG, Feb. 16, 23, Aug. 23, 1760, below, n. 59. Later smallpox afflicted the 
people in Tobler's fort, SCG, Mar. 22, 1760. 

^^SCG, Feb. 16, Apr. 12, 1760, Ashe, History of N. C, I, 300-301. 



224 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Indian lines to Charleston. He reported that the hundred and eighty men 
were in good health and well supplied with all but flour for four or five 
months. The Cherokees had cut off all communication with the fort but 
had not attacked it.^° 

The warriors were soon on the war path again, this invasion like the 
first beginning with an attempt upon Fort Prince George. On the 14th of 
February the Great Warrior of Chotee came to the fort and asked for the 
hostages of the Overhill towns, with the implied threat that if they were 
not released those towns would enter the war. Two days later he and 
his warriors ambushed the commander, Lieutenant Coytmore, and mortally 
wounded him, but in the ensuing five-day attack the Indians fired from such 
a distance that no further harm was done. When the soldiers demanded 
the death of the hostages, Ensign Alexander Miln, Coytmore's successor, 
tried to pacify the men by ordering the hostages put in irons. While this 
was being done a soldier was mortally wounded with weapons the Indians 
had concealed, and the garrison, beyond control, fell upon the prisoners and 
slew them to a man. On a rainy day, the Indians not appearing, Miln got 
in a small supply of firewood, of which he had greater need than of 
provisions. Far worse than the close siege, however, was the small- 
pox, which by the 24th had caused fourteen deaths,^^ 

It was fortunate for the Ninety Six garrison that this time, too, there 
was warning of the impending attack, for on the 22nd of February two- 
thirds of the men were down with the smallpox. On the 2nd of March 
two messengers from Prince George arrived and reported that on the way 
down they came by Indian camps which appeared to have three hundred 
warriors. The next morning, at sunrise, over two hundred attacked the 
fort and fired furiously all day and night. Two of the garrison were 
wounded, but in turn, so Francis wrote, several of the enemy were seen to 
drop, "And we have now the Pleasure Sir, to Fatten our Dogs with their 
Carcases, and to Display their Scalps, neatly ornamented on the top of 
our Bastions." ^" 

Leaving Ninety Six the Indians spread over the Saluda valley destroying 
houses and crops, and killed or captured sixteen persons. A settler named 
Michael, his wife and five children were made prisoners; a son was killed 
in the encounter, and at Nuquassee in the Middle Settlements the man was 
burned. The rest of the family were made slaves, but a humane chief 
bought them, and it was reported that they were well treated thereafter. 
At Rhall's fort a man was slain and scalped, but the garrison in turn 
sallied out and drove ofif the Indians, killing and scalping two of them. 
A party of the militia and a troop of rangers reached the Saluda-Ninety 
Six region in the later stages of this attack, and probably prevented other 

^""SCG, Feb. 16, 1760. 

31 Indian Books, VI, 219-224, 226, JC, Feb. 4, 1760. 

32 Indian Booics, VI, 227-228; SCG, Mar. 15, 1760. 



Back Country and Frontier 225 

and more serious losses, but throughout April and May there were oc- 
casional surprises of persons away from forts, the most daring feat of the 
Indians being the capture of the negroes of Henry Young, near Orange- 
burg.^^' 

When Price arrived in Charleston the 2nd of February with the 
news of the impending Cherokee attack. Governor Lyttelton called a meet- 
ing of the council. On their advice he sent pressing requests for aid to the 
commander-in-chief at New York and to the North Carolina and Virginia 
governments. The application to Virginia amounted to nothing. The 
regiment raised by that province for royal service advanced slowly upon 
the Overhill towns by the newer and safer route down the Great Valley, 
and finally, two hundred miles from Fort Loudoun, came to a stop. The 
North Carolina back country suffered from Cherokee raids, but that colony 
did no more than maintain a fort and provide for an additional three 
hundred men to defend its own frontier.^* 

It was obvious that if the Cherokees succeeded in bringing the Creeks 
into the war Georgia would be in danger of complete destruction and the 
South Carolina frontier subject to a flank attack almost as ruinous. Every 
effort was made by the new Superintendent of Indian Affairs of the South, 
the Carolina councillor Edmund Atkin, and the active and capable Georgia 
Governor Henry Ellis to bring the Creeks to the point of attacking the 
Cherokees, or, failing in that, to keep them neutral. On the 14th of May, 
however, trouble-makers among the upper Creeks fell upon the traders 
and slew eleven of them, and to all appearance a Creek war had begun, 
for this was the way the Cherokee war had started. The terror-stricken 
settlers fled to Augusta and to strengthen that fort the detachment of in- 
dependent troops at Fort Moore was sent across the river. The dilapidated 
Carolina stronghold was promptly occupied by George Bussey and a 
hundred and seventy other settlers. The Creek danger was made worse 
by the trade from northern colonies to Pensacola and Mobile which sup- 
plied the French, enabling them in turn to supply and corrupt the Indians. 
After feverish activity, with many messages and presents, the storm blew 
over, the great majority of the Creeks complacently holding to their policy 
of neutrality for the tribe and freedom for the wilder spirits to slay or 
plunder with impunity.^'' 

The Commons House, already due to meet the week following the 
news of the attacks by the Cherokees, proceeded to consider the papers 
set before it by the governor. Provision was made for seven companies of 
rangers of seventy-five men each to patrol the frontier until July 1st, the 

^^SCG, Mar. IS, Apr. 19, May 3, 10, 24, 1760; Indian Books, VI, 227-228. 

^'■'JC, Feb. 2, 1760; SCG, Feb. 23, July 26, 1760; Ashe, History of N. C, I, 
300-301; PR, XXVIII, 413 (Bull to Board, Oct. 21, 1760). 

"■'SCG, Feb. 16, Mar. 1, 22, Apr. 7, 12, 19, May 10, 31, June 21, 1760; PR, 
XXVIII, 348, 352, 359-361, 366-368 (Bull to Board, May 29, June 17, 30, 1760) ; JC, 
June 5, 20, 1760. On Atkin see JC, Nov. 1, 1760. 



226 The Expansion of South Carolina 

men getting approximately forty-three shillings a month and furnishing 
arms, supplies and horses. The provincial companies recruited under the 
act of 1757 were likewise continued until July, and a reward of nearly 
seventy-two shillings was oftered for each scalp of a Cherokee man. On the 
governor's request ten days later the ranger pay was increased by a third. 
Meanwhile on February 12th the Commons resolved that it would raise a 
regiment to relieve Fort Prince George and chastise the Cherokees, but 
declared that Fort Loudoun could not be relieved from this province. 
This hard decision, which might have been anticipated in 1756, was but an 
admission of a fact. The proposed regiment was to consist of a thousand 
men with the same pay and provision for supplies as first set forth for the 
rangers, the captains to begin their pay when their companies were half 
full. A significant action came the next day when a motion to ask the 
governor to command the regiment in person was lost.^'' 

The committee report on which these resolutions were partly based 
recommended a regiment of five hundred, and the vote in the House to 
double the number was eleven to ten. Christopher Gadsden, who was 
chairman of the committee, two years later declared that over half the 
members were kept away by smallpox then raging in town, and that the 
measure was not well considered. Five hundred with proper pay, he con- 
tended, could have been raised promptly. The fact that it had been impos- 
sible to raise more than three of the five companies authorized in 1757 made 
the resolution for another regiment little more than a gesture, and six 
months later it consisted of a hundred and twenty-five men. It was, ap- 
parently, the intention of the Commons to give the men of the exposed 
regions an opportunity to protect themselves while being paid for it by the 

(province at large.^'^ 
As a matter of fact the whole able-bodied male population of the back 
country would scarcely have sufficed for the second regiment, while from 
their number and from the middle country had been drawn most of the 
men already in service. Furthermore the timid had taken refuge in safer 
quarters, and the bolder souls who remained may well have had little en- 
thusiasm for this service when they balanced the possibilities of a mountain 
campaign against defense of their own stockade forts. 

On the council's advice the militia colonels whose regiments included 

^JCHA, Feb. 7-9, 12, 13, 19, 1760. 

^"^ So7ne Observations on the Tivo Campaigns against the Cherokee Indians in 
1760 and 1761 in a Second Letter from Philopatrios (Charles Town, 1762), pp. 
17-18 (a copy of this pamphlet, written by Gadsden — see SCG, Feb. 26, 1763 — is 
bound in with the manuscripts of the "Gadsden Miscellany" of the Smythe Col- 
lection, Presbyterian College of South Carolina) ; above, pp. 215-216, Stats., IV, 
128, JCHA, June 30, July 2, 1760. The uneasiness because of reports of negro insur- 
rection plots doubtless made it more difficult to raise troops in the plantation area, al- 
though this was not given as a cause (see JC, June 20, 1759, SCG, Aug. 18, 1759). 
"Good Reasons have been suggested to us, for not inserting in this Paper any 
Account of Insurrections, especially at this Time;" (May 31, 1760). 



Back Country and Frontier 227 

the back settlements were ordered to call out one or more companies for 
local service and these did excellent work in patrolling exposed sections like 
the forks of the Edisto and the Ninety Six region. The colonels were like- 
wise authorized to impress provisions, not only for the men of the com- 
panies but also for women and children in the forts. Lyttelton sent rein- 
forcements from independent troops to Fort Moore and to Augusta and 
"very large Quantities" of ammunition to Orangeburg, the Congarees and 
Pinetree Hill."" 

To save time Lyttelton instructed the militia colonels to appoint cap- 
tains of the ranger companies which with their higher pay and mounted 
service made the chief appeal to the prospective soldiers. In two weeks 
Colonel Richard Richardson of St. Marks on the upper Santee wrote 
from the Waterees that he had appointed Thomas Bosher captain of one 
company and hoped to persuade Pearson to take the other. The sixty 
Catawba warriors, he reported, were ready for service. In March Chevil- 
lette reported one troop of rangers under Captain John Grennan nearly 
filled and another under Charles Russell about half full. The 7th of 
April the Gazette stated that most of the seven troops were complete. 
Almost all the commanders and evidently most of the men were from the 
middle and back country.^® 

The letters from the frontier forts brought the government to the 
realization of their needs and their place in the provincial defense system. 
Earlier in the year Governor Lyttelton had assured the men in the Ninety 
Six garrison of pay on the basis of provincial troops. In April there came 
a petition from the two Enoree forts, showing their desperate plight. 
Beset as they were by the Cherokees and weakened by losses in scouting 
parties, they declared themselves unable to hold the forts longer without 
aid. They were accordingly promised a reinforcement of fifteen men each, 
and were warmly commended for their long and brave defense. In May 
Turner's fort was given more ammunition and twelve bushels of salt, and 
directions were issued for a militia officer to impress provisions for it. 
Godfrey Dryer's fort near the Congarees, with a hundred and twenty-one 
women and children in it, was ordered similarly provisioned. Finally in 
June the Commons appropriated about seven hundred pounds for relief 
of the people in the frontier forts.**' 

Meanwhile, with the defense of the frontier in a measure provided for, 
the governor and council addressed themselves to the task of relieving Fort 
Prince George. Colonel Richardson, now commander of the new pro- 

38 Above, p. 223, JC, Feb. 11, 12, 14, 1760; SCG, Feb. 9, 23, Mar. 1, Apr. 19, 
May 10, 1760; PR, XXVIII, 313 (Lyttelton to Board, Feb. 22, 1760). 

^^ SCG, Dec. 6, 1760, Indian Books, VI, 224-227. Bosher seems to have been 
from the Georgetown section — see Register . . . Prince Frederick, index, P, I, 
159, II, 46; Pearson accepted the command (JC, Apr. 1, 1760). 

^<*JCHA, June 24, 30, July 2, 1760, May 29, 1761; JC, Apr. 30, May 20, 23, 24, 
June 9, 18, July 3, 1760. 




228 The Expansion of South Carolina 

vincial regiment, was ordered to Ninety Six and instructed to make the 
attempt if, with the rangers included, he could raise five hundred men. 
Patrick Calhoun appeared to offer the services of the Long Canes settlers 
and became an officer in the regiment. The scalp money was increased to 
about seven pounds but neither this nor other inducements sufficed, and the 
requisite force could not be raised.^^ 

On the 19th of March William Bull presided over the council meeting, 
explaining that the governor was about to depart for England. A month 
before Lyttelton had produced a letter from the Board of Trade announc- 
ing his promotion to the governorship of Jamaica, and the appointment 
of Thomas Pownall as governor and Bull as lieutenant-governor of South 
Carolina. Pownall never came to the colony ; his successor, Thomas Boone, 
did not reach Charleston until December 1761. While Lyttelton's ad- 
ministration was no great success, his vigor, his plain, direct dealing, his 
usual courtesy and his apparent disinterestedness retained for him the 
confidence of the province. Bull's appointment was well received. His 
father's record and the standing of his family gave him prestige, and his 
own service as member and speaker of the Commons and in the council 
brought him, on his first meeting with the assembly, a flattering address.*^ 

On the 1st of April a war vessel and six transports arrived in Charles- 
ton harbor with twelve hundred troops on board sent by General Amherst. 
The men — half of them Highlanders, the others of the First or Royal 
Scotch regiment — were commanded by Colonel Archibald Montgomery. 
The assembly enacted an ordinance for impressment of wagons, horses 
and drivers ; the force, marching by way of the Congarees, reached Ninety 
Six on the 25th of May. Here preparations were made and the expedi- 
tion reorganized for the march into the enemy's country. Richardson 
retired from the command of the provincials and Montgomery took three 
hundred and fifty rangers and foot soldiers, leaving the others to guard 
the frontier.*^ 

With twelve hundred and fifty pounds appropriated by the Commons 
Bull equipped about forty Catawbas, whose families were to be maintained 
at Pinetree Hill, and as many of the former New Windsor Chickasaws 
now resident on the Georgia side of the Savannah below Augusta. The 
Commons authorized payment likewise of five pounds reward for each 
scalp taken by any person not in pay of the crown or province. James 
Adair volunteered to lead the Savannah River Chickasaws without pay, 
but the Commons provided for him about seven pounds a month ; he and 
his party joined with some of the western Chickasaws under Captain John 

^iJC, Feb. 29, Mar. 3, 6, Apr. 7, July 17, 1760; JCHA, July 9, 1760. 

*-See JCHA, Mar. 11, 14, Apr. 16, 1760, JC, Feb. 14, Mar. 19, 1760; PR, XXIX, 
54-55, 210 (Order in Council, Mar. 20, 1761, Boone to Board, Dec. 24, 1761); 
Lyttelton embarked April 4th {SCG, Apr. 7, 1760). 

^''SCG, Apr. 7, May 31, 1760, JCHA, Apr. 16, 17, 19, 1760; PR, XXVIII, 
328-333 (Bull to Board, May 6, 1760). 



Back Country and Frontier 229 

Brown, who though the half-breed son of a Cherokee mother, was an active 
and responsible trader to the distant tribe and their leader in defense 
against the Choctaws. The Indians did not accompany Montgomery be- 
yond the Lower Towns but served irregularly about Fort Prince George 
during the summer. In September Adair's party claimed to have taken 
four Cherokee scalps and the Catawbas in October produced a prisoner and 
six scalps.** 

On the 28th of May Montgomery left Ninety Six with his force of 
regulars and provincials; his lieutenant-colonel was James Grant who 
acted as correspondent for the expedition. Bull, with little hope of success 
for the expedition, said that in two weeks he expected news of the burning 
of the empty towns and the supplies of the "volatile" enemy. At this time 
the negro Abraham, now freed for his services, again brought news of the 
wretched Fort Loudoun garrison with its ration of two ounces of "rotten 
meat" and a pint of corn a day, and only enough of this for six weeks. 
He also reported the sufferings of the prisoners in the towns. Miln had 
recently decoyed Tistoe of Keowee and nine other Cherokees to the fort, 
seized them and exchanged two for several white prisoners.*^ 

On the fifth day after his departure from Ninety Six Montgomery 
reached Twelve Mile Creek and there left the baggage in charge of a small 
party, while he attempted to surprise Eastatoe, the largest of the Lower 
Towns, several miles above Keowee. Forced to turn aside to destroy a 
small outlying village where they killed most of the men, the troops dis- 
closed themselves to the enemy and Eastatoe was found deserted with the 
beds still warm. In Sugar Town nearby they found the dead body of a 
man tortured the preceding morning, and burned that town and the several 
smaller towns making up the lower division of the Cherokees, together with 
their plentiful stores of food. On June 2nd, after an uninterrupted march 
of sixty miles from Twelve Mile Creek, the force reached Fort Prince 
George. Here Montgomery waited for the Indians to sue for peace, while 
Grant wrote condescending dispatches to Charleston in which he even 
praised the rangers. It was at this time that the Catawbas started home 
with thirty horse loads of plunder.*" 

On the 5th Montgomery released Tistoe, who now for the second time 

^*PR, XXVIII, 330-331 (Bull to Board, May 6, 1760); JCHA, Apr. 19, 28, 
1760, Indian Books, V, 339-340; SCG, July 19, Aug. 2, 1760; JC, Sept. 3, 5, Oct. 6, 
1760. 

■'^PR, XXVIII, 353-354 (Bull to Board, May 29, 1760); JCHA, June 12, 1760, 
SCG, May 24, June 7, 10, 1760. This was Abraham's third trip through the Chero- 
kee country; he had meanwhile had smallpox in Charleston. For Grant, see below, 
p. 237. 

^SCG, June 10, 14, July 5, 1760; JC, June 10, 1760. On his return Mont- 
gomery brought 1 man and 32 women and children prisoners (SCG, Aug. 13, 
1760). By his failure to destroy the growing crops he neglected his best opportunity. 
Later in the year, when the Middle and Overhill settlements developed a food 
shortage the fields" of the Lower Towns became an invaluable supply {SCG, July 
5, Aug. 2, Sept. 13, 1760; JC, June 30, 1760). 



230 The Expansion of South Carolina 

in six months went out from confinement in Fort Prince George a dubious 
envoy of peace. He carried from the commander a threat that if the 
Indians did not come to terms within ten days he would destroy the other 
towns, but this availed nothing, for the Middle Settlements were not yet 
touched, and the hostile Overhills had Fort Loudoun at their mercy." On 
the 24th therefore Montgomery started on his mission of destruction of the 
Middle Towns, frankly admitting that he could not attempt the relief of 
Fort Loudoun. Forty of the rangers, even more disillusioned than he, 
deserted the night before the march. A provision train with supplies for 
thirty days — cattle, and flour loaded on packhorses — accompanied the 
expedition. Crossing the Keowee at the ford below the fort the little army 
advanced along the trading path over high rolling hills, following Oconee 
Creek to its head. They climbed Oconee Mountain, descended to the 
Chattooga River and crossing it ascended the narrow and rugged valley of 
War Woman Creek. At no point of the fifty-mile stretch of broken 
country between Keowee and the nearest of the Middle Towns did the 
Cherokees offer resistance, apparently preferring to stand nearer their own 
homes and perhaps wishing to cut the invading force off from retreat.*® 
On the 27th, anticipating trouble, Montgomery marched at four in the 
morning hoping to surprise the Indians. Turning due north he passed 
Rabun Gap and entered the narrow but pleasant valley of the Little 
Tennessee. Following the west bank of the stream, at ten o'clock he 
reached the site of a former Cherokee town, Tassantee, thirteen miles from 
his camp of the preceding night and five miles from Echoe. Here he ap- 
proached a low and thickly covered stretch, the river a short distance in 
front, to his left a steep mountain, and on the right a hill. As John Mor- 
rison of Amelia, captain of one of the provincial companies and leading the 
advance guard, plunged into the thicket to reconnoitre he was fired on from 
all sides and fell dead. The grenadiers and light infantry at once charged 
into the thicket, while the Royal Scotch were moved to the rising ground on 
the right and the Highlanders toward the mountain on the left. The 
Cherokees retiring to the steep slope of the mountain, the troops faced to 
the left, apparently with their backs to the river, and suffered a galling fire 
from the rifles of the Indians which carried further than their own muskets. 
Then, after four or five hours of fighting, the force faced to the right, filed 
over the ford to the east bank of the Tennessee, and made their way to 
Echoe five miles away. Some of the Cherokees had gone ahead and warned 
the town, which was empty when Montgomery arrived, but others at- 
tacked the provision train which was guarded by about a hundred men. 

^'' SCG, June 7, July 5, 1760; PR, XXVIII, 364-366 (Bull to Board, June 30, 
1760) ; JC, June 30, 1760. 

^^ SCG, July 5, 12, 1760; Some Observations etc. (see above, n. 37), pp. 81-82; 
PR, XXVIII, 365 (Bull to Board, June 30, 1760). For the route see Haig, Map of 
Back Country of S. C, and Bartram, Travels through N. and S. C, pp. 331-348. 



Back Country and Frontier 231 

Beset on all sides, these men barricaded their wounded with the bags of 
flour, and eventually beat off the enemy. They met the reinforcement sent 
back from Echoe and reached the town after midnight. 16 regulars were 
killed and 66 wounded, while of the provincials there were 3 slain and 10 
wounded. The dead were left on the field, and covered, if at all, too 
slightly to give the bodies any protection. '*'* 

The regular troops apparently remained in close formation and the 
Indians, themselves suffering little, declared later that they shot down the 
soldiers like turkeys. The provincials and rangers in part protected them- 
selves by trees, and Grant afterwards charged the latter with cowardice. 
His accusation was refuted by the losses of these companies which were in 
equal proportion to those of the regulars, and reflected little credit on the 
author whose letters showed that the main force, including himself, left 
the rear guard of rangers, wagoners and regulars to shift for itself, and 
that this mixed company fought its way through the enemy and saved the 
supplies.^** 

At Echoe Montgomery camped for the night and the following day, 
the Indians making two attacks which apparently inflicted no loss. Then 
at midnight, leaving lights in the houses to deceive the Indians, and with 
the wounded in litters, the troops began a return march that brought them 
the following night to War Woman Creek, twenty-eight miles away. 
Grant's truculent statement later that the Indians dared not come near 
them was, under the circumstances, somewhat unnecessary. On the 30th 
there were skirmishes with the Indians with slight loss, and at the end of 
that day the army camped within twelves miles of Keowee.°^ Mont- 
gomery's position after the fight at Echoe was unenviable, and his argu- 
ment that it was impossible to continue the campaign without sacrificing 
his wounded was not without force, but the need of preserving some shred 
of respect for the whites demanded that he at least attempt the destruction 
of the towns which lay within easy reach a few miles down the Little 
Tennessee valley. The flight by night capped the failure of the expedition 
and, coming on the heels of Lyttelton's expedition, gave the Cherokees 
such confidence in themselves and their hills that not even another year of 

^^SCG, July 5, 12, 19, 1760; Some Observations etc., pp. 82-86. The dis- 
tances and description of the ground indicate that the battle occurred on a 
stretch of the path nearly a mile long which cut across from one end to another of 
a half-circle described by the river. The lower end of that half-circle was at or 
near the ford marked approximately by the present Smith's bridge, half a mile 
above the mouth of Tessentee Creek. The "rising ground" appears to have been 
the hill partly enclosed by the river, the "mountain" probably the slope to the 
northwest of the hill rather than the steeper ascent to the southwest (Haig, Map of 
Cherokee Country, and United States Geological Survey, North Carolina "Cowee 
Quadrangle" — Washington, 1907; notes made by J. M. Lesesne and the writer, 
Oct. 10, 1936). 

^°SCG, Oct. 25, 1760; Some Observations etc., pp. 26-27. 

^^SCG, July 12, 1760, JC, July 11, 1760, Some Observations etc., p. 85. 



232 The Expansion of South Carolina 

war and another invasion brought them to terms. The province was much 
the worse for Montgomery's coming. 

The expedition reached Fort Prince George on July 1st and, leaving 
six months supply of flour and forty bullocks, marched the next day for 
Ninety Six. The garrison was so near to mutiny at the prospect be- 
fore it that a show of force was necessary to restore order and a rein- 
forcement of twenty-six men from the regulars was left in the fort. At 
the Congarees Montgomery left three hundred men, but, despite the urgent 
pleas of Bull and the assembly, he embarked in August with the remainder 
of his troops, carrying out Amherst's orders for a return to the north as 
soon as the Cherokees were chastised. The commander-in-chief properly 
reminded the provincial authorities of their obligation to fill the South 
Carolina regiments before asking a permanent force of regulars.^^ 

The failure of Montgomery's expedition assured the fall of the hap- 
less Fort Loudoun. Though under close siege since the beginning of the 
war, it had not often been attacked, and by sale of petty trifles to the In- 
dians Captain Demere had obtained small quantities of supplies. But as 
the war spirit in the Overhills mounted and the news of the death of the 
hostages at Fort Prince George came to them the lines were drawn closer. 
The distress of the garrison, with its allowance of a pint of corn a day for 
each soldier, caused the resourceful lieutenant-governor to form a scheme 
for temporary relief. He succeeded in getting a parcel of ribbons and 
paint to the fort, and with this small but precious cargo Demere bought 
two weeks provisions from the Cherokee wenches, "above 30 of whom 
constantly resorted to the fort". The services of these women, whether 
for love of the soldier or for his gewgaws, no doubt had much to do with 
the increasing hostility of the warriors. Despite the shortage of supplies 
Demere ransomed a woman and three children from the Indians, the 
former shortly afterwards dying of the abuse she had suffered. At the 
last the fort subsisted on the flesh of horses or of lean hogs and the beans 
which the women, with the Little Carpenter's aid, brought in on rainy 
nights. But finally that too ceased.^^ 

As July wore on the occasional despatches told of the despair of the 
garrison "abandoned and forsaken by God and man." On the 6th of 
August a council of war decided that the fort could not be held longer, 
and Captain Stuart and Lieutenant James Adamson went to the Great 
Warrior for terms. In return for the surrender of the fort and all guns, 
spare arms and ammunition, the Indians granted permission for the gar- 
rison with arms and ammunition to go to Virginia or Prince George while 

^-Ibid., p. 88, SCG, July 19, 1760, JCHA, July 11, 30, 31, 1760; PR, XXVIII, 372- 
380, 388-391 (Bull to Board, July 20, Aug. 15, 1760, with enclosed letter). 
Apparently Montgomery left, in all, 400 men — see below, p. 237. 

•'^=*PR, XXVIII, 331-333, 362 (Bull to Board, May 6, June 17, 1760), SCG, 
June 7, 21, Aug. 23, 1760. 



Back Country and Frontier 233 

the sick were to be cared for in the Indian towns. The Cherokees thus 
came in possession of 14 cannon, 80 small arms, 1,000 pounds of powder and 
2,000 pounds of ball/" 

From the time that these despatches were received till the 31st of 
August nothing was known at Fort Prince George of the fate of the gar- 
rison, and the details of the massacre reached Charleston a month later by 
way of Virginia. The soldiers marched out of the fort on the 9th and 
camped that night sixteen miles away. As they resumed their journey the 
next morning the Indians attacked the advance guard. Demere, who was 
bitterly hated by the Indians, whether for his position or his behavior does 
not appear, was wounded, scalped at once and then tortured horribly to 
death on the spot. It was reported at the time that only 25 others were 
killed, but Bull later declared that there were slain 4 officers, 23 privates, 
and 3 women. 7 others were reported drowned in attempting to escape 
and two to have burst themselves eating. The remainder, about 120, 
brought the number of prisoners from the frontier of the two Carolinas to 
near 300. Stuart was spirited away by the Little Carpenter; months later 
when he reached Charleston by way of Virginia, he was commended highly 
by the lieutenant-governor and the Commons and voted a gratuity of about 
two hundred pounds. ^"^ 

The destruction of the hated and feared Fort Loudoun establishment 
satisfied many Cherokees, and started talk of peace, but the majority 
were inspired to a renewed blockade of Fort Prince George, determined, 
so Bull reported, to have the officers who commanded when the hostages 
were put to death, and to get the presents and the six thousand pounds of 
powder left there by Lyttelton. The lieutenant-governor acted promptly 
to cover the frontier with what forces he had. One troop of rangers he 
placed a few miles above the detachment left by Montgomery at the 
Congarees. The other six he stationed in pairs between the Catawba and 
the Broad, the Broad and Ninety Six, and between Ninety Six and the 
Savannah and Fort Moore. At Ninety Six he placed fifty men and four 
swivel guns, primarily to keep lines open to Fort Prince George. The post 
continued the base of operations until the campaign of 1761 but the pro- 
vincial regiment remained at the Congarees.^® 

^*PR, XXVIII, 361-362, 389, 394-396, 413-414 (Bull to Board, June 17, Aug. 
15, 31, Oct. 21, 1760), SCG, June 14, Aug. 2, 23, 1760. Adamson was from the 
Waterees (above p. 105). 

^^SCG, Sept. 6, 27, Oct. 4, 11, 18, 1760; PR, XXVIII, 401-^03, 409-411 (Bull 
to Board, Sept. 9, Oct. 21, 1760); JC, Oct. 22, 1760; JCHA, Jan. 22, 23, 1761. 

^^SCG, Sept. 27, 1760; PR, XXVIII, 396-397, 402 (Bull to Board, Aug. 31, 
Sept. 9, 1760) ; JCHA, Aug. 14, 1760, Mar. 28, 1761. During August one of the 
garrison was killed and two captured {SCG, Sept. 13, 1760). In February 1761 
Miln and the other officers at Fort Prince George who had been there when 
the hostages were killed were recalled, Miln being replaced in command by 
Lieutenant Lachlan Mcintosh, appointed by Bull because he was "greatly re- 
spected by the Indians" and thus could facilitate peace talks (letters of Aug. 15, 
1760, Jan. 29, 1761, PR, XXVIII, 390-391, XXIX, 23-24, SCG, Mar. 7, 1761). 



234 The Expansion of South Carolina 

It was not until October that the relief of Fort Prince George was 
undertaken. Meanwhile that garrison, reduced to sour flour and the 
flesh of an occasional horse, had become desperate and fearful that the fate 
of the Overhills fort would also be theirs. "For God's sake," wrote a 
correspondent, "tell me, what are they about? have they no compassion for 
us, for themselves, or for their posterity? shall scarce 2000 savages now 
give law to Carolina, when 12 or 15,000, 45 years ago, could not? Oh! 

my country! " But on October 11th Major 

William Thomson set out from Ninety Six with a detachment of 268 
picked rangers driving pack horses loaded with 2,500 pounds of flour, each 
ranger carrying on his own horse 40 pounds of salted jerked beef. Arriving 
on the 15th, Thomson likewise supplied the garrison with firewood. In 
November and again in February the lieutenant-governor sent up more 
supplies in wagons, escorted by the rangers." 

In this collapse of the ambitious and expensive imperial structure it 
was not the ranger troops alone who held the South Carolina frontier. 
The defeat of Montgomery's force threw the back country settlers into 
"such dreadful apprehensions" that many, so the Gazette declared, fled to 
the now safer northern colonies, while some took refuge in the fall line 
settlements or in the low country. But others held their ground. Renewed 
activity in building stockades made more demands upon the provincial 
administration for swivel guns and blunderbusses, and there was even re- 
settlement of the Long Canes where a fort was built under guard of a 
party of the "far Chickasaws". Another was built for the Catawbas at 
the expense of the province, enabling them to return to their homes from 
their refuge at Pinetree Hill.^^ 

There were more than a score of these forts dotting the country from 
the Salkehatchie forks to the Indian boundary, but probably the dozen in 
the exposed region between Fort Moore and the mouth of the Tyger River 
contained the fifteen hundred persons referred to by Lieutenant-Governor 
Bull in January 1761.^^ The seven hundred pounds given by the Commons 

"PR, XXVIII, 411-412, XXIX, 23-24 (Bull to Board, Oct. 21, 1760, Jan. 29, 
1761) ; SCG, Sept. 27, Oct. 18, 25, 1760, Feb. 21, 1761 ; JC, Nov. IS, 1760. On the last 
expedition 133 of Thomson's horses were killed or taken by the Indians when they 
strayed from the fort {SCG, Mar. 7, 1761). 

^SCG, July 26, Aug. 13, Nov. 15, 1760; JCHA, Oct. 14, 17, 1760; JC, Aug. 7, 
Oct. 8, 15, 1760, Sept. 12, 1761; Howe, Presbyterian Church, I, 307-308. 

53 JCHA, Jan. 21, 1761; PR, XXIX, 89 (Bull to Pitt, Apr. 28, 1761). The 
following is a list of forts named in the records: 

1. Ashepoo, Fort at head of (JC, Apr. 7, 1760). 

2. Aubrey's (Samuel), Enoree River, apparently abandoned for Musgrove's, 
two miles away (JC, Apr. 30, June 18, 1760). 

3. Barker's, Salkehatchie River {SCG, Oct. 10, 1761— advt. of Joseph Glover). 

4. Bedon's, Buckhead Creek, Salkehatchie River; Bedon's and Barker's may 
have been the same (JC, Mar. 27, 1760). 

5. Brooks' (Jacob), or Rhall's, Bush River (Indian Books, VI, 218, above, p. 
223). 

6. Bull, Fort, Orangeburg (JC, Apr. 30, 1760). 






Back Country and Frontier 235 

in June to these civilian soldiers and their families fell so far short of the 
needs of the frontier that in January 1761 twice as much again was ap- 
propriated for the purpose."" This was scanty aid for the stout-hearted 
frontiersmen who held the back country for two bitter years and saved the 
province from the economic and moral damage that would have followed 
complete abandonment of the piedmont. The money served the purpose, 
however, for it eked out the partial crops of grain they planted and har- 

7. Catawba Fort; Twelve Mile Creek, Catawba River (JCHA, Oct. 14, 1760; 
JC, Oct. 8, 1760, Sept. 12, 1761; State Records of N. C, XI, 80, map). 

8. Dryer's (Godfrev Dreher's), Congarees (JC, May 24, 1760). 

9. Fletchall's (probably Thomas) or "Fletcher's", Sandy River {SCG, Sept. 
27, 1760). 

10. Gallman's (Henry), Congarees (JC, Mar. 27, 1760, JCHA, May 19, 1760). 

11. Galphin's (George), Silver Bluff {SCG, July 12, 1760, above, p. 70). 

12. Gordon's, Enoree (P, VH, 253; Stats., IX, 211). 

13. Helm's, Wateree Creek, Wateree River (JCHA, May 25, 1764; P, VII, 501). 

14. Lee's, head of East Fork Little River of Broad (JCHA, May 25, 1764, Dec. 
1769, P, VII, 475, Stats., IX, 214). 

15. Long Canes, {SCG, Nov. 15, 1760; note also Fort Adventure on Savannah 
River— JCHA, May 25, 1764). 

16. Lyles' or "Loyalls' ", Beaver Creek (JCHA, Schedule for 1762 appropriation 
bill, names men supplying the fort; P, VIII, 184, 185, XVI, 353— plats of 
Samuel and Clement Mobberly and John Liles). 

17. Moore, Fort, occupied by settlers in spring of 1760 when the garrison was 
moved to Augusta {SCG, June 21, 1760). 

18. Musgrove's, later Fort William Henry; see also Aubrey's (JCHA, Schedule 
for 1762 appropriation bill; JC, Apr. 30, June 18, 1760). 

19. Nixon's (Edward), Little River, Broad River (JCHA, Schedule for 1764 
appropriation bill; JC, Dec. 7, 1762; P, XVI, 512). 

20. Otterson's, Tyger River (Howe, Presbyterian Church, I, 333. Perhaps 
James Otterson, see ibid., p. 298 and his advertisement, SCAGG, July 17 
1767). 

21. Pearson's (John), apparently on his own land on Broad River (Indian 
Books, VI, 218; above, pp. 156-157). 

22. Pennington's (Jacob), Indian Creek {SCG, Aug. 8, 1761; JCHA, July 23, 
1761; P, VI, 44, X, 248). 

23. Raiford's (Philip), Little River, Broad River (Indian Books, VI, 225; 
Robert Mills, Statistics of South Carolina — Charleston, 1826 — p. 555). 

24. Stevens Creek (JC, Apr. 7, 1760). 

25. Tobler's (John), near Fort Moore (JC, Apr. 7, 1760; Urlsperger, Nach- 
richten, Ackeriverk, pt. 4, 148). 

26. Turner's (William), mouth of Little Saluda {SCG, Feb. 9, 1760, May 30, 
1761). 

27. Waggener's (John), Beaver Creek, Broad River (JCHA, May 25, 1764; 
Mills, Statistics, p. 555). 

28. Wofford's, Fairforest Creek (P, VIII, 57). 

There are likewise references to Burkhalter's fort (JCHA, May 25, 1764), and 
to Ott's and Rowe's forts in the Orangeburg community (Salley, Orangeburg, pp. 
190-191). 

60 See above, p. 227, JCHx\, Jan. 22, 1761. Thomas Gill, miller of the Saluda 
settlements (P, VIII, 599), disabled while serving in Fort Ninety Six, was 
granted an annuity of thirteen pounds (JCHA, Jan. 23, 24, 1761). Frauds were 
discovered in some of these accounts (JCHA, July 14, 23, 1761) and the Commons 
refused to pay several others because the certificates and names of appraisers 
were all in the same hand (JCHA, July 3, 1764). 



236 The Expansion of South Carolina 

vested at the risk and sometimes at the cost of their lives. With the Ninety 
Six garrison the Commons were more generous. First under command of 
Francis and then under Thomas Bell, it was continued in the provincial 
service until April 1761, the pay for the preceding seven and a half months 
amounting to nearly six hundred pounds.®^ 

When Bull learned in July 1760 that Montgomery's force must return 
at once to New York, he proposed to the Commons that the four com- 
panies of British troops left at the Congarees be used with the rangers to 
defend the frontier, and that the province not attempt the offensive. In 
view of Amherst's strictures he urged the House to fill the new regiment 
provided for in February and to bring the old provincial companies up to 
three hundred. But a House committee recommended more vigorous meas- 
ures, and by a bare majority the Commons resolved to raise a new regiment 
of a thousand men, the number including the independent troops and the 
three provincial companies already in service.^^ 

Recruiting proceeded slowly in the province and neighboring colonies 
despite the energetic efforts of Thomas Middleton, the Colonel, Henry 
Laurens, Lieutenant-Colonel, and their subordinate officers, among them 
William Moultrie and Francis Marion. In December there were 400 in 
the regiment, the following April about 500.''^ No such difficulties handi- 
capped the ranger service. In October 1761 the Commons approved 
Bull's organization of the seven troops into a regiment of horse with 
William Thomson as major, and in January authorized enlistment of an 
eighth troop which the lieutenant-governor said he could immediately raise. 
A uniform for the men, and pay for the officers equal to that of the regi- 
mental officers, completed the evolution of Francis' and Fairchild's nonde- 
script troops of the previous decade.*'* 

Much of the lieutenant-governor's time for the six months following 
the surrender of Fort Loudoun was taken up with futile peace talks, which 
may, however, have saved Fort Prince George and the frontier more than 
one attack.®' More to the point were the negotiations by which 115 prison- 

«1PR, XXIX, 90 (Bull to Pitt, Apr. 28, 1760), JCHA, May 28, 29, June 13, 24, 
1761, SCG, Apr. 11, 1761 ("Rayfords" Creek is evidently a misprint for Raeburns; 
for location see P, X, 126, XIII, 290 — Edward and Robert Box and Jacob Brooks). 

«2 JCHA, July 31, Aug. 1, 5, 6, 13, 14, IS, 19, 1760; Stats., IV, 144-148. The 
"regiment" projected by the resolution of Feb. 12th preceding (see above, p. 
226) was ignored; nine months pay for its 125 men was included in the appro- 
priation act of July 31st {Stats., IV, 128). 

^'^ Manuscript copy of [First] Letter of Philopatrios in "Gadsden Miscellany"; 
JCHA, Apr. 23, 1761; SCG, Sept. 27, Oct. 25, Nov. 8, 15, 22, 1760; PR, XXVIII, 
447 (Bull to Board, Dec. 17, 1760). For Bull's delay in issuing commissions see 
JCHA, Oct. 10, 13, 1760. 

*^JCHA, Oct. 14, 17, 1760, Jan. 16, 17, 1761. 

«^PR, XXVIII, 391-397, 409-415 (Bull to Board, Aug. 15, 31, Oct. 21, 1761), 
JC, Oct. 6, 1760, SCG, Oct. 25, 1760. 



Back Country and Frontier 237 

ers were ransomed, about 70 of them soldiers, leaving perhaps 30 captives 
in the nation.®'' 

The news of the massacre of the Fort Loudoun garrison and Bull's 
application to General Amherst brought another detachment of regular 
troops commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel James Grant, Montgomery's 
adjutant and the chief correspondent of the 1760 expedition. The troops 
arrived January 6, 1761, and with the men left by Montgomery at the 
Congarees brought Grant's command to 1,600. Provision was made for a 
depot of 500,000 pounds of flour at the Congarees and for sending 1,500 
head of cattle to designated points.*'' Renewed application to Virginia and 
North Carolina caused troops to be raised by both colonies, but neither of 
these forces influenced the result of the campaign.®* 

By the end of March Grant had his troops at Moncks Corner ready to 
leave as soon as the woods afforded forage for horses and cattle. Marching 
by detachments and delayed by rains the force reached Ninety Six on the 
14th of May, where Major Moultrie had already finished a new stockade 
for that fort. Here Grant organized his force for the campaign. He had 
on the spot 1,400 regulars, 689 provincials under Colonel Thomas Middle- 
ton, 401 rangers, and 57 Indians who were to serve as scouts, beside 
wagoners and negro pioneers, making a total of nearly 2,800. There were 
19 Catawbas under old Hagler, accompanied by a few Mohawks who came 
with Grant, and these erstwhile enemies, now companions in arms, did well 
in the campaign. Perhaps the Indian honors went to the Chickasaws led 
by Colbert; fifteen of them as they set out for Ninety Six from Augusta 
declared that if more Cherokee peace talks were listened to they would 
never fight them again, "observing, that they often hear the white people 
say 'God damn the Cherokees,' but never see them kill any". The western 
Chickasaws were gone a 3ear from home.®^ 

Arriving at Fort Prince George May 27, Grant added to his force 
the Fort Loudoun soldiers recently ransomed. Again, as on Montgomery's 
approach, there was talk of peace, the Little Carpenter striving to make 
terms. But the redoubtable Young Warrior and Cunnicatoka or the 
Standing Turkey of Chotee, who later succeeded Old Hop as "Emperor", 

««PR, XXIX, 21-24, 106 (Bull to Board, Jan. 29, May 16, 1761) ; JCHA, Jan. 
22, 23, May 7, 1761; JC, May 6, 1761; SCG, Nov. 29, 1760, May 9, June 13, 20, 
1761. Some prisoners were redeemed by the Virginia governor and others were 
sent to the French {SCG, Dec. 6, 1760, May 9, 1761). 

67 JCHA, June 24, Oct. 6, 1760, Jan. 19, Mar. 28, Apr. 2, 1761; PR, XXVIII, 
436-438, 447-H8, XXIX, 17-21, (Bull to Board, Nov. 18, Dec. 17, 1760, Jan. 29, 
1761) ; SCG, June 10, 1760. 

«8 JCHA, Mar. 28, 1761, SCG. May 2, 1761. 

«9JC, July 21, Sept. 12, Nov. 17, 1761; JCHA, Mar. 28, Apr. 2, July 21, 23, 24, 
1761; SCG, Mar. 21, Apr. 25, May 2, 9, 23, 30, June 20, 1761. Part of the ranger 
force had been reserved by Bull for protection of the southwest frontier against 
the Creeks (JCHA, Mar. 28, 1761). 



238 The Expansion of South Carolina 

were still for war. Accordingly on June 7th, with about 650 packhorses 
loaded with flour, salt and ammunition, but with no tents, Grant crossed 
the Keowee leaving only invalids at Prince George.^" 

At eight or nine o'clock on the morning of the 10th, as he marched 
along the Little Tennessee, he was about two miles from the site of the 
battle of the year before. Here where hills rose steeply almost from the 
banks of the stream, the Cherokees attacked. Grant formed his regulars 
in columns, and, evidently expecting a duplication of the former attack, 
planned to have Thomson's rangers seize the hills on both sides of the river 
from which the Indians could fire upon those troops. Behind him Colonel 
Middleton and his provincial regiment had the provisions and cattle. The 
Cherokees, however, with a fine grasp of the strategic points in the situa- 
tion, while firing upon the regulars made their chief attack upon the pro- 
vincials, probably intending to cut off the provision train. Middleton 
sent out a party to the hills on his own right flank, and a reinforcement of 
a hundred men to the rear to quiet the apprehensions of the troops there 
who feared that, like Montgomery's rear guard, they might be abandoned. 
Grant refused to send troops or to allow Indians to go to the rear.^^ 

After three or four hours of fighting the Cherokees drew off, having 
inflicted a loss on their enemy of 11 killed and 52 wounded. It was sheer 
weight of numbers rather than any difference in management by the officers 
or behavior of the men that made the second battle of Echoe a better 
story than the first. From the battle ground Grant marched his force to 
the town where he camped for the night. Then, leaving Middleton with a 
thousand men to guard the provisions, he proceeded to the destruction of 
the fifteen towns and fourteen hundred acres of corn and beans in the 
Middle Settlements. He encountered no resistance, and on the 9th of 
July reached Fort Prince George again, after thirty-three days in the 
Indian country.'^ 

A campaign against the Overhills would have been far more difficult 
and dangerous than the one just finished, and the Valley Towns, almost 
as far away though not as inaccessible, had been the least hostile of the 
Cherokee divisions. The results of Grant's expedition, however, were 
inconclusive. He had inflicted no considerable loss on the man-power of 

^°PR, XXIX, 118-120 (Bull to Board, June 19, 1761); SCG, May 30, June 2Q, 
1761. 20 or 30 rangers and 13 Provincials deserted at Ninety Six {SCG, May 30, 
1761). For Standing Turkey see JC, Dec. 18, 1761, SCG, Jan. 5, 1760. Bull said 
in May, 1760 that he had been elected (to Board, May 6th — PR, XXVIII, 331, and 
see SCG, May 3, 1760), but either this election was not confirmed, or Little Car- 
penter hoped to put it aside (JCHA, Sept. 15, 1761). 

^^PR, XXIX, 124-126 (Bull to Board, July 17, 1761); SCG, July 11, 18, 25, 
Aug. 1, Sept. 12, 1761. 

■2 PR, XXIX, 124-126 (Bull to Board, July 17, 1761). In October Grant moved 
his camp to Ninety Six; in November the Provincial Regiment, much reduced 
by desertion and expiration of enlistment, was disbanded, but four companies of 
Thompson's rangers were maintained (PR, XXIX, 199-201, Bull to Board, Dec. 5, 
1761; SCG, Oct. 10, 31, 1761). 



Back Country and Frontier 239 

the Cherokees, and his destruction of crops so early in the season by no 
means cut off all the food supply even of the Middle Towns. By returning 
before any move for peace had been made, he threw away any assurance of 
favorable terms. His force was large enough to secure his position in the 
Middle Settlements and the transportation of supplies from the province. 
The Virginia expedition was on the Holston River a hundred and fifty 
miles from the Overhills towns, '^ and the two together would have consti- 
tuted a wholesome influence on the Cherokees during the peace negoti- 
ations. 

The first news of the engagement caused smoldering resentments and 
differences to leap into flame, and this was doubtless made worse by Grant's 
condescending letters and the jealousy in the English province of Scotch 
officials.^* The Charleston newspaper of Robert Wells, a Scot, carried 
laudatory accounts while Timothy's correspondents attacked Grant for 
failure to inflict serious loss on the Indians in the skirmish or to support 
the provincial troops; they recalled the treatment of the rear guard the 
j^ear before, and Grant's previous charge of cowardice against the rangers. 
That prince of controversialists, Christopher Gadsden, speedily threw him- 
self into the fray, and scored Grant for adopting a rigidly defensive policy 
with evident set purpose to destroy the food and houses of the Cherokees 
rather than their warriors: "who wou'd have expected" he asked, "to 
have heard the forces run the Gauntlet through them, only to burn a parcel 
of Indian huts, and pull up their corn ? Were we afraid these huts and 
cornfields wou'd have sneaked off & not waited in their places, till the 
Army had sufficiently revenged the Blood of our Butchered officers and 
men of Fort Loudoun garrison?" Middleton was, so he and his partisans 
claimed, completely ignored during the campaign, and withdrew from the 
force when it returned to Fort Prince George. A bitter controversy arose 
which resulted in a bloodless duel between Grant and Middleton and a 
newspaper war in which Grant was championed by Lieutenant-Colonel 
Laurens, Middleton's second in command.^^ 

In April Bull had sent to Grant a preliminary treaty in case the Chero- 
kees sued for peace, but nearly two months elapsed after the return to 
Prince George before the Little Carpenter appeared at the fort to ask for 
terms. On hearing the first article which demanded execution of at 
least one offender from each of the four divisions of the nation, he declared 
that he must consult the Cherokee towns before he could consent to it. 
Grant instead sent him to Charleston and himself urged the lieutenant- 

^^ See Baker-Crothers, Virginia and the French and Indian War, pp. 150-151. 
There were 600 in the force on July 26th (JCHA, Sept. 15, 1761). 

'* Note Charleston News, SCG', Oct. 1, and letter to editor, SCG, Oct. 8, 1761. 

''^ SCG, July 25, Aug. 1, 8, Sept. 12, 1761; [First] Letter of Philopatrios, 
and letters of John Rattray, Jan. 7, 1761, Lt. Gov. Bull, Jan. 10, Apr. 10, 1761, 
Middleton, July 19, 1761, Grant, July 10, 1761, included in "Gadsden Miscellany"; 
Letter of "Philolethes" [Laurens] MS. 




240 The Expansion of South Carolina 

governor to waive that provision. Bull called the assembly to deliberate on 
the proposed treaty, and a committee of the Commons reported its opinion 
that the omission of this article would make the treaty useless and dis- 
honorable. The House, however, informed the lieutenant-governor that 
in view of the burden of debt on the province, and the apparent uselessness 
of expecting the commander to listen to sound advice it was constrained to 
approve the concession. The terms thus agreed on were delivered to the 
Carpenter to lay before a general meeting of the Cherokee towns, but not 
until the 18th of December did the little chief and eight others sign the 
treaty in Charleston. Far from granting terms like a conqueror, the 
province was put in the position of suing for peace, and its predicament 
reminded Gadsden of Sir John Falstaff's situation "with the prisoner he 
took, who wou'd neither come along with him, nor let him come away 
himself." '' 

The articles called for the prompt yielding up of all prisoners, negroes, 
horses and cattle held by the Cherokees, the surrender of Fort Loudoun 
and permission to the English to build forts at any points in the nation, 
exclusion of the French and, in the future, execution by the Cherokees of 
any Indian who murdered an Englishman. The line between the whites and 
the Indians should be drawn at forty miles distance from Keowee, a line 
which was proposed by the Cherokees themselves, instead of Twenty-Six 
Mile Creek which had first been stipulated. The trade was to be re- 
opened when the Indians yielded up their prisoners.^^ 

Thus ingloriously the Cherokee War came to an end, having cost the 
province over a hundred thousand pounds sterling,''^ between a hundred and 
fifty and two hundred lives, and the devastation and partial abandonment 
of a large part of its area. For this there was no compensating advantage 
and neither province nor crown gained any prestige from it. Except for 
the story of the frontier forts and the behavior of subordinate officers and 
of the rank and file of troops, there was little to redeem the record. 

7«JCHA, Sept. 15-19, JC, Sept. 10, 15, 1761; PR, XXIX, 182-185, 199-201 
(Bull to Board, Sept. 23, Dec. 5, 1761), [First] Letter of Philopatrios. The next 
Commons House declared that the war had been without "Real advantages" to the 
Province (JCHA, May 28, 1762). 

^'JC, Sept. 22, Nov. 13, Dec. 14, 16-18, 28, 1761. On leaving the delegation 
was given, instead of the presents they expected, only the supplies necessary for 
their return journey, and in disgust refused them (JC, Dec. 28, 1761). It was 
June 1762 before the Cherokees gave up all their prisoners and the provincial 
authorities felt safe in releasing the Indians in Charleston (JC, June 21, 1762). 
Some of the prisoners were reported by one of their number to be unwilling to 
leave the nation (JCHA, May 28, 1761). 

^* Report of Committee of Commons, JCHA, Feb. 22, 1762; the amount was 
£733,079 currency. 



CHAPTER XVI 

The Growth of the Back Country, 1760-1765 

In more than one way the Cherokee War, and the great Seven Years 
War of which it was a small phase, affected profoundly the development 
of South Carolina and the thinking of her people. The collapse of the 
worm-eaten Indian system of the colony was an effective rebuke to the 
Charleston merchants and the other imperialists, the officials, while to the 
planters was driven home the grim lesson that their slaves had made the 
proud and flourishing province helpless before a couple of thousand 
mountain-enforted savages. 

Before Grant had reached the Indian country the Commons House 
addressed itself once more to the unending negro problem. The South 
Carolina Gazette of May 30th remarked that "The pernicious Conse- 
quences of too free an Importation of Negroes into this Province, having 
lately become the Subject of serious Consideration of some public-spirited 
Gentlemen", a motion had been made in the assembly to impose a duty 
which would nearly prohibit imports of slaves. On the second reading of 
the bill the Commons ordered it printed in the Gazette; on the third it 
raised the proposed duty from five pounds fourteen shillings to two and a 
half times that amount, and set its duration at three years. On the third 
reading in the council or Upper House, however, the bill was rejected. 
The dispute was complicated by the fact that in trying to amend this bill 
the Upper House was tampering with a tax measure, but the chief issue 
was the slave duty. The Commons thereon resolved that it would do no 
more business during that session, and the next day Lieutenant-Governor 
Bull prorogued it for four daj^s that another start might be made.^ 

A new bill was introduced at once and the duty set at ten pounds, but 
this too was rejected by the council. The Commons next made the negro 
duty part of a new bill to finance the South Carolina regiment — pay for 
that organization being in arrears — and set the duty at five pounds. Bull 
indicated his approval of this action, but again the Upper House rejected 
the measure, after protesting that the proposed duty was prohibitive.^ 

The Commons now prepared an address to the lieutenant-governor 
declaring that it had attempted to fulfill its obligations for maintenance of 

'^SCG, May 30, June 6, 13 (A Letter from the Country), 1761; JCHA, June 5, 
12, 13, July 8, 9, 1761. See also the messages of the House of June 13, and of the 
council of July 8 (JCHA, June 13, July 8, 1761). 

2 JCHA, July 14, 17, 20, 22, 24, 27, 31, Aug. 1, 4, 5, 6, 1761. 

241 



^ 



242 The Expansion of South Carolina 

the regiment by means which "equally regard the Security & Interest of 
this Province", but that the council, with only three members present, had 
"for reasons 'best known to themselves' " rejected the bill. On debate of 
the message a motion passed to substitute for the words "best known to 
themselves" the clause "too glaring to be concealed from the world," but 
the further motion was lost which proposed to add: "Two of whom being 
persons too nearly concerned in point of private Interest cannot be thought 
altogether the most impartial Judges of this matter." The three members 
present when the bill was rejected were Othniel Beale, senior member and 
stickler for the rights of the council as Upper House, and John Guerard 
and George Austin, both concerned in the slave trade. Thus the session 
came to an end.^ 

When the Commons took up the other half of the South Carolina 
problem, the encouragement of white settlement, the lesson of the war was 
already apparent. Had the settlers been driven in to the fall line and the 
middle country made the theatre of the war, the possibilities of slave 
insurrection would have been disturbing indeed. The middle country, 
which the provincial representatives and the administration had so earnestly 
desired to settle was now, in effect, a part of the coast country, and the 
more distant hill men, who had settled in their own fashion, and often 
with scant regard for the government, were now recognized as the real 
hope of the province. This was the first of a series of dear-bought lessons 
in the value of the back country which, with consequent concessions over 
the course of half a century, brought about the unification of the common- 
wealth. 

Without controversy the Commons and council replaced the act of 
1752 with one which made sweeping changes in settlement policy. Citing 
the fact that there was in the settlement fund over eight thousand pounds 
sterling, the new law appropriated that fund as follows: four pounds 
sterling to pay the passage from Europe "of every free poor protestant", 
above the age of twelve, arriving in the next three years "who shall, in case 
they come from Great-Britain or Ireland, produce a certificate under the 
seal of any corporation, or a certificate under the hands of the minister and 
church wardens of any parish, or the minister and elders of any church, 
meeting, or congregation, of the good character of such poor protestant" ; 
two pounds for those under twelve and over two years of age ; and one 
pound for each immigrant over two years of age for the purchase of tools 
and provisions. The act provided that the passage money should be paid 
to the settler if he had paid his passage, or, if he had not, to the shipmaster. 

2 JCHA, Aug. 6, 1761, JC, Aug. 3, 4, 5, 1761. On Beale see, for instance, JCHA, 
May 5, 1761, JUHA, Jan. 31, 1765; on Austin and Guerard, see Elizabeth F. Donnan, 
Documents Illustrative of the Slave Trade to America, IV (Washington, 1935), 
pp. 372, 375. 



Back Country and Frontier 243 

The ten-year exemption of the bounty settlers from land taxes was likewise 
continued.* 

Thus the Commons abandoned its traditional opposition to immigrants 
unable to pay their passage, and sought to guard against the dumping of 
undesirables by demanding certificates of good character. No discrimina- 
tion was made against German Protestants, but in view of the decline of 
Germ.an migration to America they probably were of secondary considera- 
tion. Any opposition the home government might have to this plan to 
drain ofif the population of the mother country was, no doubt, to be over- 
balanced by the need for strengthening the southern colonial frontier. The 
law ran for three years; its expiration came shortly after the departure of 
Governor Boone for England brought to an end a prolonged deadlock in 
public business. Lieutenant-Governor Bull urged its continuance, and its 
lapse for a few months preceding its three-year revival, in January 1765, 
was due to pressure of business.^ 

In August 1764 a renewed effort to restrict slave importation met with 
success. This bill added a duty of fourteen pounds six shillings to the tax 
in the general duty law on every slave imported." Unfortunately in exag- 
gerated tenderness for those who had already engaged in ventures, enforce- 
ment of the act was delayed until the first day of 1766, and two weeks be- 
fore that date Bull wrote that the purpose of the measure had thus in large \ 
measure been defeated, for more than eight thousand slaves had been im- j 
ported during the year — a number nearly equal to a three-year importation. 
The "unhappy consequences" which might come from this addition to a 
number already too large for safety were soon foreshadowed in rumors of 
insurrection plots.^ 

The prohibitive duty shut off the source of income for bounty pay- 
ments, but the settlement fund had since the beginning of the Cherokee 
War a large surplus. In September 1761 this was £10,200, and by the 
end of 1765 at least as much again had been added to it.^ Meanwhile 

^JCHA, July 18, 20, 23, 24, 25, 1761. The act is not to be found in Cooper's 
Statutes, but is printed in the S. C. Gazette, Aug. 1, 1761. Bull gives the reasons 
for the act but incorrectly states that £2 not £1 was to be given for provisions 
and tools (PR, XXIX, 188-189— to Board, Sept. 23, 1761). The clause of the act 
of 1751 setting aside a fifth for fees was not changed. For the tax exemption, see 
above p. 30, n. 36, and Stats., IV, 190, 239, 269. 

5 See JCHA, Apr. 16, 23, May 23, June 5, July 16, Aug. 25, 1764; Stats., IV, 
209. The act expired Feb. 12, 1768 {SCAGG, Feb. 15, 1768), PR, XXX, 186, 225 
(Bull to Board, Aug. 20, 1764, Mar. 15, 1765). 

«JCHA, Aug. 14, 15, 21, 1764, Apr. 2, 1765; Stats., IV, 187-188. The S. C. 
Gazette of Jan. 14, 1764, noted a determined effort to enforce the law requiring a 
white man on the plantations for every ten slaves. Compare a similar move in 
1768 {SCGCJ, July 12, 1768). 

7 PR, XXX, 300-301, XXXI, 20-21 (to Board, Dec. 17, 1765, Jan. 25, 1766) ; 
107 slaves were reported later to have left masters and to have fled to join run- 
aways already in Colleton County swamps (JCHA, Jan. 14, 1766). 

«JCHA, July 31, 1764, Treasurer's Books, 1748-1765. These Treasurer's 



244 The Expansion of South Carolina 

bounties paid to new settlers amounted to about £4,100, and payments 
for fees probably left in the fund at the end of 1765 nearly £15,000 which 
in two years more was exhausted.^ 

The settlement act of 1761 was not unwisely designed in its general 
outline ; properly administered it should have filled up the northwest 
frontier with fairly compact settlements of sober industrious immigrants, 
and that within a comparatively short time. Unfortunately no effort was 
made to assure effective administration of the law ; the settlement fund 
therefore was in the hands of several authorities, no one of whom was 
completely responsible — the governor and council, the commissary general, 
a petty official who was not dependent on his office for his livelihood, and 
the clerk of the council who seems to have been the chief dependence for 
enforcement of the act. Thus the way was left open for fraud on the part 
of authorities in Great Britain wishing to get rid of undesirable elements of 
population, and on the part of ship-masters who might wish to squeeze 
profits out of their wretched cargoes. It is significant that the protests 
against fraud and ill-treatment came as occasional outbursts in the Com- 
mons and not from administrative officials.^" 

Like the Yamasee War, the Cherokee conflict brought about a reaction 
against the merchants' policy of unregulated competition. Once more the 
assembly embarked upon the experiment, first tried in 1716, of government 
monopoly. The act which was ratified in May 1762 named five Charleston 
merchants as directors of the Cherokee trade, and prescribed as their 
commission two and a half percent of sales of goods and of skins. They 
were to appoint a factor to reside at Fort Prince George who was to be 
paid £225 a year, and was allowed two clerks and two porters; the 
Cherokee trade was forbidden to all other persons whatsoever, on pain of 
£75 fine or a year's imprisonment. The directors were to furnish the 
factor with goods suited to the trade, bought from merchants or imported, 
and sold to the Indians for no more than the cost of furnishing them and of 
administration ; the skins were to be auctioned in Charleston to the highest 
bidder in lots of not over £37 :10 each. The act was to run for three years, 
but was in force only a few months when an order of the crown nullified 
its exclusive features by ordering the governor to license, under certain 
restrictions, all traders who might apply. Governor Boone protested vainly 
against this action, urging that the crown extend the general plan of the 

records show that the duties under the act of 1751 were collected without inter- 
ruption to the end of 1765, although it does not appear when the act of 1751 was 
continued. 

^ Ibid., JCHA, June 24, 1766, Mar. 2, 1768. A loan of nearly £8,600 to pay 
the rangers for their war service was replaced as it was needed for payments for 
settlement expenses (JCHA, Jul. 31, 1764, Apr. 8, 1768). 

^**See JCHA, Jan. 10, 16, 1755, for report on this office, and Apr. 7, 1759, 
Mar. 2, 1768. 



Back Country and Frontier 245 

South Carolina act to the other colonies with uniform and drastic regula- 
tions." 

On the 5th of November 1763 the Southern Congress, planned by 
Colonel John Stuart, recently appointed Superintendent of Indian Affairs 
for the southern district, convened at Augusta. The governors or lieuten- 
ant-governors of Virginia, North and South Carolina and Georgia were 
present, with chiefs from the Catawbas, Cherokees, Creeks, Chickasaws and 
Choctaws; others attending brought the total to about seven hundred per- 
sons. Of the Indians the Chickasaw headman was properly given the honor 
of speaking first, and said of himself: "You must not look on him as on 
other Indian Nations, for he is True and Trusty, he and his are few but 
faithful." The Chickasaws, Creeks, and Cherokees urged the need of honest 
and responsible traders to reside in their towns, the Cherokees pointing out 
the hardship and inconvenience of having to resort from the Overhills, or 
even from other Lower Towns, to Fort Prince George for their trade. 
The Creeks complained of Georgia encroachments on their lands, and the 
Catawba king represented the pitiful plight of his people for lack of hunting 
space, and asked for a reservation thirty miles square. In the final treaties 
the Georgia bounds were agreed upon, the Catawbas were confirmed in a 
fifteen-mile square, already partly run, with their former rights of hunting 
outside that area.^" 

The congress did not allay the discontent of the Creeks. They had 
suffered little in the conflicts of the preceding generation, and their diplo- 
macy had hitherto been uniformly successful, but now they saw their 
system topple about their ears, for the French and the Spanish, whom they 
had so successfully played off against the English, were gone. As early as 
July 1762 there were rumors of intended attacks on the Long Cane settle- <^ 
ments. A year later came reports of Creek depredations on Augusta 
traders and of the murder of three traders to the Upper Creeks.^^ Finally, 
on the heels of the Augusta congress came the news of the slaying, by a 
party of Creeks, of fourteen settlers. The victims belonged to a settlement 
on the east bank of the Savannah opposite the mouth of the Georgia Broad 
River, where an Indian ford crossed the larger stream. Among them were 
the wife and one child of James Dyer who was formerly to be found on 

"JCHA, Feb. 20, May 27, 1762; Stats., IV, 168-173; n. 12 below; PR, XXIX, 
259-264 (Memorial of Charles Garth, November 1762), 306-307, 395-404 (Boone 
to Board, Jan. 9, Nov. 24, 1763; he had already pointed out the need of uniform 
regulations advising that the home government take the initiative "as we are 
more given to obedience to the Crown, than harmony with one another". — ibid., 
218-219— to Board, Feb. 28, 1762). 

12 PR, XXIX, 345-347 (Board to Stuart, Aug. 5, 1763), XXX, 16-123, (Journal 
of the Congress) ; State Recs. of N. C, XI, 178-206. 

'^^SCG, Jul. 10, 1762, JC, June 3, Sept. 2, 1763. In August preceding raids— 
probably by Northward Indians — above the Waxhaw section, in which Hagler, 
the Catawba king, and several whites were killed, sent the Fishing Creek and 
Waxhaw settlers scurrying to forts (JC, Sept. 5, 1763). 



246 The Expansion of South Carolina 

the Savannah near Stevens Creek; but he and the tw^o others named in the 
report were evidently squatters." 

Governor Boone issued orders for the scouring of the frontier by 
parties of the militia and sent a supply of arms and ammunition to the 
bounty settlers on the head of Long Canes, vv^ho complained that they were 
abandoned by the older settlers. With the approval of the council, he 
proposed to Governor Wright of Georgia the stoppage of the Creek trade, 
but the latter refused, lest it bring on a war with the whole tribe in which 
his colony would bear the brunt of the fight. Nor was Boone more success- 
ful with his own Commons House, for that body adhered to its resolution of 
December 16, 1762 to do no business with him until he should make 
amends for his violation of its privileges in refusing to qualify Christopher 
Gadsden as a member.^^ 

Profiting by the lesson of the Cherokee War the Long Canes settlers 
did not attempt to leave the country, but resorted to stockade forts. 
Patrick Calhoun's "Fort Boone" was reported to have 140 persons in it; 
there were 139 in Arthur Patton's fort and about the same number at Dr. 
Murray's plantation on Hard Labor Creek. For a time, Calhoun later 
declared, the settlers ranged the woods themselves, or maintained "a 
Scouting Company". On the departure of Governor Boone for England, 
however, Calhoun repaired to Charleston, and was given command of the 
troop of twenty-two rangers which the Commons provided on Bull's 
request.^*' 

Even before the Creek alarm had shown the need of a frontier defense 
near Long Canes, the Commons had declared its desire to abandon Fort 
Moore — now of little use because of the growth of Augusta — and to build 
a brick or stone fort at or near Stevens Creek. Accordingly, in January 

1765 Lieutenant-Governor Bull reported to the House selection of a site 
that would command the Indian ford from the Creek country and protect 
the new French and German settlements. Later, in submitting a plan for 
the post, he announced his intention of naming it for the reigning Queen 
Charlotte.^^ 

Archibald McClelland, a Long Canes settler, was employed by Dr. 
John Murray and Andrew Williamson to build the fort. In December 

1766 McClelland reported that he had completed the task, using "a 
Cement of his Invention". The fort was placed fifty yards from the 

"5CG, Dec. 31, 1763, JC, Dec. 30, 1763. This was John Vann's abandoned 
settlement (above, p. 122). See P, V, 163, VIII, 7, 273, and JC, May 8, 1764, SCG, 
Oct. 8, 1764. 

^^SCG, Jan. 28, 1764; JC, Mar. 7, Apr. 2, 1764; JCHA, Jan. 6, 1764; Smith, 
S. C. as a Royal Promnce, pp. 340-349. 

".SCG, Dec. 31, 1763, JCHA, May 29, June 2, 5, 1764, Mar. 5, 1767. Nota- 
tions on plats indicate that Fort Boone was on Calhoun Creek on the land first 
surveyed for Mary Noble (above, p. 134). Patton's land was chiefly on Little 
River to the west, and his fort was probably there — see P, VII, 27, IX, 41. 

^MCHA, May 29, 1762, Jan. 10, 30, 1765; see also June 27, 1764. 



Back Country and Frontier 247 

east bank of the Savannah and a half mile below the mouth of the Georgia 
Broad River. A rectangle fifteen yards wide and fifty feet long, with 
bastions at the northwest end, can still be distinguished, the enclosed 
ground elevated six or eight feet above the surrounding river bottom. The 
portions of the wall remaining are two feet wide, made of rough field stone 
set in clay mortar, or, as the House committee reported it, sand and 
clay. The thousand pounds originally appropriated was paid accordingly, 
but not without censure because the new stronghold had been built in a 
swamp and on a sandy foundation.^® The fort was at once garrisoned by 
an officer and twenty-five men of the crown forces from Fort Moore.^^ 

The directors of the Cherokee trade were allowed to continue their 
hopeless effort to make the trade pay despite the competition of uncon- 
trolled private traders until repeal of the act in October 1764, six months 
before it was due to expire. When they finally closed up their affairs they 
showed a loss to the public of about £560. It was to their credit and to 
that of their factor at Fort Prince George, Edward Wilkinson, that this 
loss was not greater, for the Cherokees, the directors found, were no longer 
dependent on South Carolina trade. In the southwest the decline was even 
worse. Pensacola, because of its nearness to many of the Indian towns, 
developed a thriving traffic but the chief heir of Charleston was Savannah, 
at last grown to such estate that its shipping could take care of the needs 
of the trade. In 1760, when the South Carolina trade was at its height, 
Georgia exported 65,000 pounds of deerskins, in 1770 more than four 
times that amount.^" 

When in 1729 the Crown acquired the province of Carolina there 
began a long-drawn-out boundary quarrel. In January 1730 Governor 
Johnson and George Burrington, who was during that month commis- 
sioned for his second administration of North Carolina, appeared before the 
Board of Trade and stated that they had agreed upon a line. After further 
consideration the Board decided that the boundary should parallel the 
Cape Fear the whole length of that river but thirty miles southwest of it. 
On the 9th of June, however, the day before Johnson's instructions were 
agreed upon, the Board read a memorial from him that "the same intent" 
would be answered by the following addition : "But if Waccama River 
lyes within 30 miles of Cape Fear River then that River to be the boundary 

^«JCHA, Feb. 7, Mar. 13, Oct. 29, 1765, Jul. 2, Dec. 4, 5, 9, 1766. For Mc- 
Clelland see P, VII, 300, VIII, 383. The description is from the present state of 
the fort as noted by J. Rion McKissick and the writer, Oct. 28, 1936 — Lawrence 
Hester, Jr., of Mt. Carmel, S. C, acting as guide. 

^^PR, XXX, 269-270 (Bull to Halifax, Sept. 8, 1765) ; Fort Prince George was 
largely rebuilt in 1765 {ibid.). 

^ Stats., IV, 188-189; JCHA, July 19, 1764; Journal Directors Cherokee Trade, 
MS, Aug. 22, 1764, Dec. 19, 1765, SCAGG, Mar. 18, 1768, PR, XXXII, 403 (Bull 
to Hillsborough, Nov. 30, 1770) ; Leila Sellers, Charleston Business on the Eve of 
the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, 1934), p. 43; Crane, Southern Fro?ttier, 
p. 331. In July 1764 the price of goods for Indian presents was the same in 
Charleston and Savannah (JCHA, July 16, 1764). 



248 The Expansion of South Carolina 

from the sea to the head thereof, and from thence to keep the distance of 
30 miles Paralel from Cape Fear River to the head thereof and from 
thence a due West Course to the South Sea." The addition was promptly 
incorporated in Johnson's instructions."^ 

The Waccamaw rises within ten or fifteen miles of the Cape Fear, but 
flowing southwestward enters Winyah Bay more than eighty miles from 
that river. The proposed revision would have brought a long finger of 
North Carolina territory within sixty miles of Charleston, and would 
have given several hundred square miles of South Carolina sea coast and 
river swamp in exchange for a smaller area at the head of the Waccamaw. 
Johnson later claimed that the addition to the instruction should have pro- 
vided that the Cape Fear be the boundary unless the mouth of the Wac- 
camaw were within thirty miles of Cape Fear River, and it is possible that 
this was the case. The fact, however, that the wording was the same in 
each rendering of the clause indicates that the inadvertence was Johnson's 
own, and that he failed to realize the construction that would certainly be 
placed upon it. In October 1732 Burrington published a notice in the 
South Carolina Gazette declaring that Johnson was granting lands within 
the northern province, and quoted his boundary instruction, omitting, 
however, the clause which stipulated that the line should, from the head 
of Waccamaw River, parallel the Cape Fear River to its head. Two weeks 
later Johnson replied in the Gazette with a vigorous argument in support 
of his contention, but his letters to the Board of Trade were somewhat 
unconvmcmg. 

Finally in January 1735 Johnson and the council laid the matter be- 
fore the Commons, and a joint committee of both houses went into the 
question at length, putting the best possible face on the South Carolina 
arguments for a line paralleling the Cape Fear. In March three com- 
missioners were sent to meet those already appointed for North Carolina 
and after six weeks of consultation "the Friendly interposition" of Gabriel 
Johnston, now governor of North Carolina, brought about a compromise. 
The boundary thus defined was to begin on the seacoast thirty miles south- 
west of the Cape Fear, and it was to run northwest to latitude thirty-five, 
thence west to the South Seas, with a provision that the Catawbas and 
Cherokees should be included in South Carolina. For a strip of land 
fifty miles long and from three to fifteen miles wide the southern com- 
missioners yielded up a claim to the immense area north of the thirty-fifth 
parallel and west of the Cape Fear River.^^ 

^^ A. S. Salley, The Boundary Line betivern North and South Carolina, (Co- 
lumbia, 1929), pp. 3^, Col. Recs. of N. C, III, 84; PR, XIV, 134-136 (Johnson's 
memorial). 

22 PR, XV, 233-234 (Johnson to Board, Sept. 28, 1732), Salley, Boundary Line, 
pp. 4-5. 

23 State Recs. of N. C, XI, 20-22, 25-26, JUHA, Jan. 25, 1735, Col. Recs. of N. C, 
IV, 294-296; Salley, Boundary Line, pp. 6-15. 



Back Country and Frontier 249 

When the South Carolina council had given its approval and the 
Commons a tacit consent the commissioners in May 1735 began the survey 
of the boundary. After running it a few miles inland they separated for 
the summer with the agreement that if either party failed to return in 
September, the other would run a line that should bind both. Accordingly 
in the absence of the South Carolina commissioners the North Carolina 
surveyors ran the line "about 70 miles" ; in October the other party traced 
the line for forty miles, and, finding it so far correct, desisted. The Board 
of Trade accepted the boundary thus irregularly established, but the filling 
up of the Peedee country and disorder and tax evasion almost immediately 
made the problem more serious than before. Both provinces were dis- 
satisfied, and in 1755 Governor Dobbs and the North Carolina council 
sought a change which would have made the Peedee the boundary, while 
the South Carolinians, who had never been entirely reconciled to the 
compromise of 1735, took advantage of the fact that the agreement had not 
been formally ratified by the assembly, and proposed in their turn a 
radical change. An ably written report of both houses in 1757 urged the 
crown to grant to South Carolina, in compensation for the territory in- 
cluded in Georgia, the upper portions of the Santee and Peedee valleys. 
Arguments were offered to show that this would suit the needs of the 
settlers of those regions, whose best market was Charleston, and that the 
white population thus annexed to the colony would be an efifective counter- 
balance for the slaves of the tidewater. The report was transmitted to the 
Board, but the Seven Years War left little time for province or crown to 
think of the boundary.^* 

The Cherokee treaty of 1761 vaguely fixed the boundary between South 
Carolina and that tribe at forty miles distance from Keowee without 
indicating the directions it should take. When the line was surveyed in 
1766 it was run direct from the Reedy River to the Savannah, crossing the 
Cherokee road at right angles at the proper point. A year later Governor 
Tryon of North Carolina, with commissioners and some Cherokee head- 
men, ran the line north from the Reedy River fifty-three miles to Tryon 
Mountain, and thus completed the boundary between both provinces and 
the Cherokee country. Tryon found no settlers within the line, and only 
two near it, but the Indians had previously complained to Bull that there 
were whites within twelve or fifteen miles of their towns. He promised 
them that they should be removed, and apparently this was done.^^ 

^^Ibid., pp. 11-13, 16-17; Col. Recs. of N. C, V, xxxvii-xxxviii, 276, 381- 
382, 3 84, 1105, VI, 776-777; above, pp. 95-96; JCHA, May 3, Sept. 3, 1754, Apr. 
28, 1757; PR, XXVII, 269-276 (Report accompanying Lyttelton's letter to Board, 
May 24, 1757). 

-5JC, Dec. 6, 1763; PR, XXXI, 70 (Bull to Board, June 9, 1766); Mouzon, 
Map of N. and S. C, Col. Recs. of N. C, VII, 851-855; State Records of N. C, 
XI, map opposite p. 80, SCAGG, July 10, 1767 (Tryon's line was ratified by the 
Cherokees at Hard Labor Cittk—ibid., Oct. 28, 1768) ; PR, XXX, 184-185 (Bull to 



250 The Expansion of South Carolina 

The South Carolina hopes of annexing lands in the valleys of the 
Yadkin, Catawba and upper Broad proved vain, for in 1762 the Board of 
Trade recommended that the thirty-fifth parallel be made the boundary 
to the Catawba nation. Accordingly in 1764 commissioners resurveyed 
the existing line extending it to the point they calculated to be the thirty- 
fifth parallel, and then ran it west until they struck the Salisbury road, 
a few miles below the northeastern tip of the Catawba reservation. 
Lieutenant-Governor Bull promptly informed the Board that the new line 
fell far short of the western edge of settlement and therefore proposed 
that it include the Catawbas, and thence follow the Catawba River to the 
mountains. Governor Tryon of course urged that the line be continued 
due west from its terminus. The arguments were taken up anew in 1769 
by the Board and with it the findings of James Cook, who had been em- 
ployed in 1767 as one of the surveyors to make a map of the province. 
Cook showed that the surveyors of the line of 1764 had run it eleven 
miles south of the thirty-fifth parallel, and compensation for this error was 
all that the South Carolinians gained. In 1771 the crown ordered the 
line run north of the Catawbas to the south fork of the river, thence west 
to the recently run Cherokee line. The survey was made in 1772 and 
the region thus annexed west of the Catawbas was called the New Ac- 
quisition. 

With this action the eventual limits of South Carolina were fairly in- 
dicated, for when the later Cherokee cessions were made the line as com- 
pleted merely . filled out the bounds already projected. Thus by a 
combination of circumstances, perhaps the most important being Johnson's 
blunder in 1730, South Carolina was confined within an area smaller than 
that of any of the lower southern colonies or states, and was given a dis- 
proportionately small amount of hill and mountain country — a fact that 
was to be of great importance in extending the plantation influence over 
the commonwealth. 

That settlement under the act of 1761 should be slow to get under way 
was inevitable because of war conditions in South Carolina and on the 
seas. In anticipation, John Pouag, a Charleston merchant, applied im- 
mediately after the act was passed for a certificate of the bounty that he 
might transmit it to Ireland. A year later Pouag and six others in a 
petition to the governor declared that there were many in Ireland who 
would, with proper encouragement, come to the province. They asked 
for a survey and reservation of forty thousand acres, to form one or two 
townships, in such places as they might choose ; in addition to the bounty 
they expected tax and quit rent exemption for the settlers for ten years.^^ 

Board, Aug. 20, 1764) ; JCHA, Jan. 17, 1766 (bill of Aaron Price "for assisting to 
remove several persons who had encroached on the Indians Land at Reedy River"). 

2^Salley, Boundary Line, pp. 16-30; JC, June 29, 1764; Stats., IV, 262-264. 

^MC, Aug. 29, 1761, June 9, 1762. 



Back Country and Frontier 251 

The Reverend John Baxter, first of the petitioners — formerly Presbyterian 
minister near Charleston, later on the Santee and Black Rivers — had im- 
ported some of the early settlers of Williamsburg from Belfast. In a peti- 
tion for land in 1745 he stated that he had twenty-five negroes, and in 
later years he added to his possessions in slaves and lands, most of the 
latter in or near Williamsburg.^^ John Greg was a merchant of London, 
John Rae had the name of the minister who had served Williamsburg from 
1743 to 1761, and David Rae was doubtless a connection. John Torrans 
and Pouag appear about this time as a merchant firm in Charleston.^^ 

On the advice of the council Boone gave the petitioners permission to 
choose sites for two townships ; in October they reported that they had 
found suitable places and in December the surveys were made. One con- 
taining 20,500 acres lay on the head of Long Cane Creek, with its center 
a mile below the crossing of the Cherokee path, its northwestern tip slightly 
above the site of the present town of Due West, its northeastern line 
paralleling and including the course of the later Columbia and Greenville 
Railroad. This township was named Boonesborough, although surveyors 
occasionally called it Belfast. The other township, 22,000 acres in area, 
was named Belfast and later called Londonborough. Hard Labor Creek 
entered it at the center of its northeastern edge and left it near the lower 
end of its southeastern line, being at that point only about a mile from the 
junction with Cuffytown Creek.^° 

In February Governor Boone informed the council that about seventy 
persons had arrived from Ireland on the encouragement of the act of 1761. 
Besides the three warrants for a total of sixteen hundred acres for the 
Reverend John Baxter there were forty-two petitions based on seventy-one 
headrights. Plats for ten of these petitioners are not to be found ; six- 
teen of them had their plats surveyed adjoining each other about the cross- 
ing over Long Cane Creek; eight were in a group in the northwestern 
corner of the township, some of them appearing to be entirely outside the 
lines. None of the Reverend John Baxter's land was surveyed in the 
Long Canes. In 1765 about a score of bounty immigrants applied for war- 

^ Above, p. 79; JC, Feb. 27, 1736, Jul. 5, 1737, May 11, 1745, Jan. 7, Apr. 7, 
1752, May 21, 1759; Howe, Presbyterian Church, I, 204, 255-256. 

"^ Ibid., I, 254, 283, SCHSC, II, 101, SCG, Jul. 6, 1765, JCHA, June 5, 1764, 
Jan. 27, 1768. 

^°JC, Oct. 22, 1762; the instructions to Lyttelton and Boone authorized the 
governor to set off new townships as they might be needed, (Nov. 4, 1755, Nov. 11, 
1761). Both plats are in the state archives. For further location of the first see 
P, VII, 467, VIII, 219, 238, XV, 110, XVIII, 182; for the second see P, XVII, 502, 
XVIII, 446, XXA, 47 (plats on or near Calabash Creek). The Belfast-London- 
borough township is treated as two separate townships in Wallace, History of S. C, 
II, 44, the latter in the correct location, the former below it on Stevens Creek. The 
marks on this plat and the plats of individual settlers referred to above show it 
to have been on Hard Labor, while no individual plats have been found to identify a 
township below. There was no room above the township, for it bordered Hamilton's 
Great Survey. 



252 The Expansion of South Carolina 

rants which were surveyed in or near Boonesborough, their headrights 
representing about fifty persons. This was the only considerable single 
accession to the township.^^ 

The next township to be settled originated in a new movement of 
French Huguenots. In July 1763 the crown referred to the Board of 
Trade the memorial of the Reverend Jean Louis Gibert asking concessions 
for settling a colony of Huguenots in South Carolina. The crown finally 
agreed with Alexander McNutt, who proposed to transport the group to 
South Carolina, directed the governor to lay out a township for them, 
and ordered the expense of surveying their lands to be paid from the crown 
quit rents. The 112 males and 61 females listed appear to have come to 
England during the summer of 1763 in anticipation of aid. Those who 
arrived in South Carolina were chiefly husbandmen, handicraftsmen and 
vinegrowers, and beside Gibert himself there was another pastor.^^ 

After a seven-weeks voyage of hardship and danger they arrived in 
Charleston April 14, 1764. Since the season was too far advanced for the 
immigrants to get to their new homes and make a crop the governor and 
council decided to send them for four months to Fort Lyttelton, near 
Beaufort, where they could plant corn, potatoes, pumpkins and pease to 
eke out their living. They were given a daily ration of a pound of flour 
and a quart of corn, and for their meat a steer was promised for the group 
each week. They were allowed to choose three of their number, who 
would be provided with horses and a guide, to select land for their settle- 
ment. Special warning was given them against dissension, Boone observing 
that they had as many opinions as men in their number, but the anticipated 
trouble began immediately and resulted in the sending of fourteen of them 
to Purrysburg.^^ 

At the end of May the deputies returned to town with their guide 
Patrick Calhoun; finally in July, with wagons to carry their baggage 
and tools, most of the men set out from Charleston. Governor Boone, 
giving up his struggle with the Commons, had returned to England and it 
was Bull who sent the minute directions to Calhoun for purchasing pro- 
visions and surveying town, township and lands for the settlers. The 
worthy lieutenant-governor reminded the surveyor of "my present good 
opinion of your honesty" and told him that he would be repaid for his 
trouble by the surveying fees. The town Bull called New Bordeaux for 
the city "from whence many of them came", the township he named for 
the Earl of Hillsborough, then a member of the Board of Trade. The 

^^ JC, Feb. 19, 1763, Nov. 5, Dec. 4, 1765. Among the forty-two petitions was one 
of John Baxter. 

^-SCHSC, II 82-93. Note that one of the Immigrants, Pierre Moragne, left 
his home near St. Foy, July 30, 1763 {Address, Delivered at New Bordeaux. . . . 
S. C, Nov. 15, 1854 . . . by W. C. Moragne, Charleston, 1857). The S. C. Gazette 
of Sept. 21, 1763 stated that about a thousand Huguenots had lately come to Eng- 
land from about Bordeaux. 

^ Moragne, Address, JC, Apr. 16, 24, Aug. 2, 1764. 



Back Country and Frontier 253 

township — which contained 28,000 acres including 2,000 acres for earlier 
settlers — was only six or seven miles from the mouth of Little River and 
thus, like other piedmont areas so situated, was deeply cut by the large 
streams. It was for this reason that the earlier settlers had taken up the 
gentler slopes of the valley above, leaving this area vacant except for a 
dozen plats. The land itself was for the most part quite fertile, being 
generally a red clay overlaid by accumulated vegetable mould, and Calhoun 
marked on the plat the "Valluable", Good, Middling, and Bad and Scrub 
Oak land. Comparison of the plat with the face of the land today shows 
that the soil underlaid by deep red clay he considered good. Half a mile 
below the junction of Long Cane and Little River Calhoun surveyed the 
town, 198 lots of an acre each; above it, on both sides of the stream, a 
vineyard plot of 44 4-acre lots; below the town was a common of 195 
acres, and a glebe of 300 reserved for an Anglican minister.®* 

Bull's carefully made out instructions directed that the settlers build 
first their homes and a palisade fort, the latter to be not less than a hundred 
and twenty feet square and to serve likewise as a storeroom for provisions. 
Roger, whom he had appointed justice of the peace and to whom he had 
given Simpson's Justice as a guide, Pierre Boutiton, the minister. Due, 
captain of the militia, and his lieutenant and ensign, were to be given the 
first choice of lands and the five of them were to be a council for the settle- 
ment.®^ 

On the 5th and 7th of August the two parties of Huguenots reached 
their new home. Calhoun reported in October that they had set up six 
houses, and that frames were ready for fourteen more, indicating that they 
were building plank rather than log houses. For a time they were plagued 
with boils and other ills, but three months later Calhoun wrote that they 
were recovered of their "indisposition". The remaining settlers did not 
leave Charleston until January, with wagons carrying the weak and in- 
firm. With this group went also vessels for brewing and silk-making. 
Pierre Moragne, one of their number who left a brief diary of the voyage 
and the settlement, wrote that in February 1765, after completion of the 
barracks, "I have begun to labor on my own land — on my half-acre, and 
afterwards on my four acres. The 13th June I finished planting in corn 
and beans all of the land which I had been able to prepare — being then 
very feeble, having only a little corn to eat, and being placed under the 
necessity of grinding it at an iron mill. Though we have not a sufficiency, 
yet, with the aid of God, we may always have enough to keep us from 

3*JC, May 28, Jul. 13, 1764, PR, XXX, 185 (Bull to Board, Aug. 20, 1764), 
Plats of Hillsboro Township (there are two, identical except for shading and notes 
to show quality of soil). The plats of the township do not show James Davis' plat 
of ISO acres formerly surveyed for him at the mouth of Long Cane which was 
bought for the site of the town (P, VI, 157, JC, Oct. 17, 1764). 

®^JC, Jul. 13, 1764. See William Simpson, Practical Justice of the Peace 
(Charlestown, R. Wells, 1761), "compiled for the Instructions of the Justices of this 
Province." (Bull's letter of Mar. 15, 1765 — see n. 36). 



254 The Expansion of South Carolina 

starving till our little harvest comes in. . . . The 16th July, 1765. I 
am married — " to Cecile Bayle, whose hundred acres had been in April 
preceding surveyed adjoining his.^® 

In January 1765 Bull reported that nearly £600 had been expended, 
about £140 of it being paid out of the quit rents on order of the crown. 
At that time £214 more was assigned from the settlement fund for purchase 
of provisions for the colony. On April 18, 1764, immediately after their 
arrival in Charleston, 81 of the French had applied for land and bounty; 
50 of them were single men, 9 were single women; the other 22 petitions 
represented 72 persons. 25 of those petitioning do not appear in the 
records thereafter — death, departure from the province or inexpediency 
doubtless accounting for their failure to take up the land. 4 of the others 
had their land in or near Purrysburg; 3 are found near Hillsborough but 
not in it. Plats representing the headrights of the other 73 were surveyed 
in the township in little groups along Long Cane and Little River, and on 
their smaller tributaries — the latter being preferred to the former, and the 
groups of plats corresponding closely to the areas marked by Calhoun as 
good land. Gibert's plat was not surveyed until 1768; Etienne and Marie 
Thomas appear in 1769 near the township as Steven and Mary Thomas.^^ 

The Reverend Mr. Gibert, the original leader of the colony, did not 
immediately settle at New Bordeaux, leaving the ministerial work to the 
Reverend Pierre Boutiton. Instead he devoted himself for the ensuing 
year, under the patronage of Gabriel Manigault, to raising silk on the site 
of Governor Nathaniel Johnson's ancient venture — Silk Hope on the 
Cooper River. Here he made in his first season 620 pounds of cocoons, 
from which he expected to get 50 pounds of silk. With this he went to 
England and persuaded some public-spirited gentlemen there to lend a 
hundred pounds sterling towards building a silk filature in South Carolina, 
and the Commons voted £143 from the township fund to that purpose. At 
the same time a few more French immigrants appeared, said to be skilled 
in silk culture, and were sent to New Bordeaux. A year later the Com- 
mons appropriated £433 for purchasing silk cocoons. For a time the new 
silk venture in South Carolina offered promise of success, but it was in 
Purrysburg that the production centered. EiiForts at raising hemp and 
wine eventually netted the same negligible results.^^ 

^''JC, Oct. 17, 1764, Jan. 30, 1765, SCG, Oct. 8, 1764, Moragne, Address, P, 
VIII, 139, 140, JCHA, Jan. 18, 1765. Bull urged the French settlers as well as their 
neighbors, the Germans of Londonborough, to plant hemp, and supplied each town- 
ship with several bushels of seed (PR, XXX, 249— Bull to Board, Mar. 15, 1765). 

^MCHA, Jan. 18, Feb. 11, 1765; JC, Apr. 18, 1764; P, VIII, 216, 447, 532, IX, 
455 X 132 XI 175 XVI 54. 

^^S'CG, 'Aug. 3, 'l765,' JCHA, June 7, 10, 24, 26, 27, 1766, Apr. 15, 1767. 
See above pp. 36-37, and compare the later design of Jean Louis DuMesnil de St. 
Pierre (PR, XXXIII, 91-92— his petition to Board, Nov. 15, 1771) ; SCGCJ, June 28, 
1768, Apr. 6, 1772, JCHA, Feb. 24, Mar. 2, 1768). For hemp see also SCG, Oct. 8, 
1764, Jan. 7, 1765, July 7, Nov. 10, 1766. 



Back Country and Frontier 255 

Under circumstances not unlike those of the French settlement there 
came in 1764 a somewhat belated group of Germans. In September 1764 
the crown heard the petition of benevolent Englishmen who had succored 
about four hundred emigrants from the Palatinate and other parts of 
Germany, led to England b\' a too hopeful immigration agent. The crown 
accordingly issued an order for them to be sent to South Carolina with the 
same exemptions and aids given the French. The first shipload, which 
arrived in December, "were all sick," Lieutenant-Governor Bull said 
tersely, "20 died on the Passage and 20 more within 3 days after their 
landing." Others arrived afterward, and among all who landed there 
were 45 deaths of those over two years of age. The bounty was paid on 
262 others, and warrants were issued to 116 representing headrights of 272 
persons. Since infants under three were allowed no bounty but were in- 
cluded in headrights, it is probable that a considerable number of the 
Germans did not apply for land. 17 of the petitioners cannot be found; 
the others, on headrights of 233 persons, had their warrants surveyed on 
the branches of Stevens Creek.^^ 

On receipt of the order of the crown for the settlement of these Ger- 
mans Bull sent an express to Patrick Calhoun to build them a log hut at the 
spot designated for their settlement; the surveying of the lands, however, 
was to be done by John Fairchild. The first party which went up chose 
land south of Ninety Six as being more secure from the Indians, although 
the lieutenant-governor evidently wished to plant them fifteen miles beyond 
Hillsborough near the Indian line, and remarked that they had chosen land 
not so good. It was perhaps this disagreement which caused his reference 
to "their Obstinacy in refuseing to go to their Lands till it was too late to 
expect the Crops" although it may have been an unwillingness to go up 
during the winter which occasioned the delay. The result was that some 
were brought to want within the year. Andrew Williamson, who lived 
near the proposed settlement, received Bull's further instructions about the 
building of shelters for the settlers. The lieutenant-governor appointed 
militia officers and made Frederick Nicholas Myer, "a Man of Learning", 
justice of the peace, furnishing him with Simpson's guide. He sent several 
bushels of hemp seed, urging the Germans, as he had the French, to go 
"with their whole strength" next year on that crop. In March he reported 
that the first party which went up in January had now finished their 
"Huts".'° 

Bull evidently had intended to set another township near Boonsboro 
on or near the Indian boundary. But the choice of lands by the Germans 
fell partly if not wholly within the limits of the thinly settled Belfast, and 
on Hard Labor Creek, probably in this township, Fairchild laid out the 

39 JC, Dec. 14, 24, 1764, Jan. 31, Feb. 27, 1765, PR, XXX, 234-235 (Bull to Board, 
Dec. 21, 1764). 

^]C, Dec. 24, 1764, Jan. 30, Feb. 26, Mar. 20, Oct. 11, 1765; PR, XXX, 248- 
249 (Bull to Board, Mar. IS, 1765). 



256 The Expansion of South Carolina 

town which the settlers ignored. Bull therefore appears to have thought 
it useless to survey another township, and named the settlement London- 
borough. This name appears on plats in Belfast while the name Belfast 
nearly disappears except on maps which attempt to resolve the discrepancy 
of two names for one township by placing another on Stevens Creek.*^ 

The Germans were by no means willing to confine themselves to the 
limits of the township, however, and were indulged in their choice of lands 
in groups on nearly all the upper branches of Stevens Creek; a compara- 
tively small number established themselves in the township, where a dozen 
plats were surveyed on or near Hard Labor Creek. As many were sur- 
veyed six or seven miles away on both sides of Horse Pen Creek between 
its mouth and the crossing of a path to Ninety Six. Two plats surveyed 
at the mouth of the creek were said to be "at the place called Cufifee Town" 
and a dozen were on Cuffytown Creek near this point. But the chief 
preference of the newcomers was for the network of small streams five or 
ten miles east of the township near the point where Little Stevens, Sleepy, 
Log and Turkey Creeks run together. Here in a three or four mile radius 
fifty plats were surveyed, strung out along the small watercourses, usually 
including both banks, in stretches two or three miles long. 

The German settlements on the branches of Stevens Creek were so 
situated as to invite association and eventually amalgamation with the 
English settlers, and are to be compared with the Congaree, New Windsor, 
and to a certain extent with the Orangeburg German establishments rather 
than with the great isolated Dutch Fork. 

With the exception of the Londonborough settlement the movement of 
Germans into the colony under the bounty act practically ceased with the 
Cherokee War, only about sixty others applying for land, a third of them 
on the bounty. The warrants were sought chiefly on the Broad and Saluda 
and in the German portions of the middle country. 

During the years 1763 to 1765 about 300 individuals, besides those 
already accounted for in the townships, were listed as applying in groups, 
large and small, for land on the bounty. Except for a score of Germans 
they seem to have been entirely immigrants from Northern Ireland. The 
land records show them in striking contrast with the township settlers and 
with the bounty immigrants before the Cherokee War. Less than 50 can 
be identified in the provincial land records, and these are distributed rather 
evenly over the area of the province. This is in full accord with the report 
of the Commons committee of 1768 which charged that many of the im- 
migrants for whom the bounty was paid were brought in as indented 
servants, their headrights used by their masters, and the persons kept in 
servitude, in double violation of the intent of the law.*^ These probably 

" P, VIII, 105, plat of Philip Zimmerman, see note 30; for the name see Bull's 
letter of Mar. IS, 1765 (n. 40). 



42 



JCHA, Mar. 2, 1768. 



Back Country and Frontier 257 

stayed in the settled areas after their terms expired, lacking the money or 
perhaps the initiative to take up land. The wisdom of the Commons 
policy in the early period, of discouraging the immigration of any but free 
Europeans, was thus abundantly confirmed. 

In addition to these bounty immigrants who came in groups there were, 
chiefly between 1763 and 1765, about 50 individual applications for land 
on the bounty by persons of British name whose headrights amounted to 
about 120. Nearly all of them can be found on the land; half went into 
the upper Savannah valley, most of them about the Long Canes ; the middle 
country received nearly half of the remainder. There were about 30 
petitions for the king's bounty, two-thirds of them for land in the middle 
country, the rest in the back country. The headrights were about 50. 

Thus the bounty act of 1761 had by the end of 1765 brought into the 
colony about 700 persons, of whom probably 450, perhaps 500, settled in 
the back country. The results for the expenditure of money compared but 
ill with those of the period of the 'thirties; nevertheless the three town- 
ships, especially Hillsborough, were valuable acquisitions. 

Besides the bounty petitions there were about 2,500 applications for 
land in South Carolina between 1760 and 1765^^ for a total of about 525,- 
000 acres. 20% of the warrants, including, however, 30% of the acreage, 
were for land in the tidewater region — a hundred of them in or near 
Purrysburg and a fourth as many in Williamsburg. The headrights for 
these tidewater warrants amounted to about 3,100 persons.** Two-thirds 
of the warrants were for persons already landholders of the section, less 
than 20% appearing clearly to be newcomers. Over half the warrants 
were in 1764 and 1765, and few of them were for as much as a thousand 
acres. 

For land in the great and thinly settled middle country there were about 
900 warrants, the acreage amounting to nearly 185,000; only three or four 
petitioners applied for as much as a thousand acres. Somewhat more than 
40% of these middle country warrants were for men who already owned 
nearby land ; about the same proportion of the applicants were newcomers 
to the province, and less than 10% came from other portions of the colony. 
The total of headrights was about 3,300. Two-thirds of these warrants 
were in 1764 and 1765. 

A fifth of the middle country warrants were for the fertile and slightly 
settled areas on and between the Black and Santee ; a sixth were for land 
on the Peedee and its branches, with the Wateree, the Savannah, and 
Lynches River taking each a somewhat smaller share, and Amelia, the 
Congarees and the Edisto attracting each about 8% of the total. Scarcely 

*^ This excludes about 500 warrants for which no plats appear to have been 
surveyed, and which could not be identified by the warrant. 

** Under the instructions of 1755 (above, p. 20, n. 9) the head of the household 
received 100 acres, the headrights of the others were 50 acres each. Therefore in 
the case of new settlers allowance for this must be made. 



258 The Expansion of South Carolina 

more than a score applied for land in the Coosawhatchie-Salkehatchie 
region. Nearly 40% of the middle country applicants appear to have been 
newcomers, the proportions — about 50% — being highest among those ask- 
ing for land on the Savannah. 

For back country sections there were nearly 1,100 warrants for a total 
of about 180,000 acres, nearly a third of them for land in the Broad River 
valley. The Enoree and Tyger, with their long branches and good land, 
were sought by more than a hundred of the applicants, whose headrights 
represented about 350 persons, 60% of them appearing to be new settlers. 
A dozen families settled as far up as the three forks of the Tyger. 
Nearly 200 headrights, 45% of them new settlers, were on the east side of 
the Broad below Sandy River, while on the Sandy and on Turkey Creek 
and their branches and the land between, there were 150 headrights of 
whom 60% were new. Above Turkey Creek on the east side, and on the 
Pacolet and Thicketty Creek on the west side there were few plats, and of 
the 25 warrants for a hundred headrights 70% were for newcomers. On 
the west side below the Enoree there were a score of warrants, representing 
scarcely 40 headrights, less than half of the petitioners being new. 

A score of Germans, chiefly bounty settlers, procured warrants for this 
valley, and most of them settled elsewhere than in the German settle- 
ments. Hardly 10% of the applicants for Broad River valley land can be 
identified as coming from other portions of the province, most of them 
from the middle country, the others from various parts of the back country. 
Nearly 30% of the total were persons already owning land in the section 
who were enlarging their holdings. The remainder cannot be identified. 

Next to the Broad the valley of the Catawba-Wateree tempted the new 
settler or encouraged the old to add to his lands. The 300 or more war- 
rants here and on the upper waters of Lynches River to the east amounted 
to over 40,000 acres, about 55% of the headrights representing persons new 
to the province, while a third were resident already in the region. Nearly 
40% of the warrants (over half for newcomers) were for land in the 
Catawba valley, the long courses of Fishing and Rocky Creeks attracting 
settlers, as did the Enoree and Tyger in the valley of the Broad. The 
east side of the Wateree between the Waxhaws and Fredericksburg Town- 
ship accounted for little over 15%, the Lynches River section a slightly 
smaller number, the proportion of newcomers in each being about 40%. 
The west side of the Wateree drew about 10% of the total, two-thirds of 
them newcomers, and the Waxhaws, the best settled region in 1760, the 
smallest number — somewhat less than 10%, half of them new settlers. 
About 20 applicants came from the back country, Williamsburg, or the 
middle country. 

The Savannah valley, which showed such weakness during the Cherokee 
War and the Indian troubles following, was the object of the solicitude of 
the officials, and here were laid off and settled the three townships for 



Back Country and Frontier 259 

the 400 French, German and Scotch bounty settlers. There were in addi- 
tion a score of bounty warrants on Long Cane or Little River representing 
50 persons. Of the non-bounty petitions the Savannah valley drew 250, 
with an acreage of about 43,000. Two-thirds of the petitioners, represent- 
ing 500 persons, over half of them newcomers, asked for land on Little 
River and Long Cane and their branches. On Stevens Creek and its trib- 
utaries were to be found less than a fifth of the non-bounty headrights, over 
half for new settlers, the headrights amounting to 125 persons; and on 
Rocky River, beyond Little River were a score of families, half of them 
new, with headrights of 50 persons. 

A dozen of these Savannah valley settlers, perhaps more, came from 
the middle and back country. Among them was Andrew Pickens, son of 
the Waxhaw militia captain, who in 1762 had 250 acres surveyed on Little 
River, and John Pickens, whose plats were run out on Little River and 
Rocky River. Andrew Pickens' plat adjoined that of James Gamble, who 
was himself probably from the Waxhaws.*^ 

On the Saluda, oldest of the back country settlements, there were about 
185 warrants, amounting to 35,000 acres, with headrights totalling nearly 
600. A third of the petitions — about 200 headrights — were for land on 
Bush River and Little River and on the east side of the Saluda below 
Reedy River, half of them by newcomers. A fifth were on Little Saluda 
and the streams below Ninety Six Creek ; apparently less than half of these 
were for newcomers, and the headrights represented about a hundred 
persons. A sixth of the total was to be found on Ninety Six Creek, and 
another sixth on the Reedy and its branches. But, whereas only a quarter 
of the Ninety Six warrants were for new settlers, practically all of those 
on the Reedy were newcomers; the headrights were respectively about 100 
and 70. On the east side of the river, below Bush River, were half a 
dozen warrants. 15 or 20 of the Saluda warrants were for settlers from 
the middle and back country. 

To the 1759 back country population of 7,000, there were added be- 
tween 1760 and 1765, as far as the land records may be taken as an index, 
about 3,600 persons, 700 of them brought in on the bounty. The land 
records of course took no account of shifts of population by death or removal 
to other colonies; on the other hand, the natural increase among the Ger- 
mans was to a very slight degree represented in the land warrants, for few 
of them took out additional warrants in this period. 

It is obvious that most of the non-bounty immigrants were part of the 
great movement of settlers south from western Pennsylvania and Virginia, 
and probably the greater part of them were Scotch-Irish.*^ Prior to the 

^5 See P, VII, 369, VIII, 363, SCG, Oct. 8, 1763, Dec. 1, 1766 (advts. of John 
Pickens), above pp. 138-139, 145-146; J. B. Longacre and J. Herring, National 
Portrait Gallery, (4 vols., Philadelphia, 1836), III. 

^^ See Lieutenant-Governor Bull's statement about the immigrants in 1773 (PR, 
XXXIII, 273-274, Bull to Board, June 14, 1773). 



260 The Expansion of South Carolina 

Cherokee War there seem to have been few who settled in the middle or 
back country who did not speedily appear as headrights, but with the 
partial removal of the Indian menace and the rapid increase of immigra- 
tion from the north, the number of idle and landless persons increases, and 
after 1764 perhaps rapidly/^ Included in the back country headrights 
were probably 600 or 700 slaves, who with the 200 or 300 of 1759 made a 
total of nearly 10% of the population/^ Some of these were acquired by 
dubious means, no doubt, for James Parsons in 1763 complained that it 
had lately become a pernicious custom for back settlers, when they met 
with runaways, to publish deceptive advertisements and to keep the ne- 

4ft 

groes. 

The four )'ears since the Cherokee treaty of 1761 had thus brought a 
fifty percent increase in the population of the back country, which was 
now a region of about ten thousand souls, with the vanguard of settlement 
within fifty miles of the eventual South Carolina boundary. In the more 
extensive but still thinly settled middle country were about twelve thou- 
sand. The process of filling up and strengthening the province, begun at 
the time of its acquisition by the crown, was in a manner complete. Pri- 
marily the result of economic forces of the old and new world it had 
nevertheless been due in part to government enterprise. The officials of 
the provincial and royal governments had in the main served its purposes 
faithfully. The planters, too, by fits and starts had given it earnest 
thought : at one time they looked to it in joyful confidence ; at another they 
turned to it in bitter discouragement and dread ; between times they forgot 
about it in the press of their own affairs. Now, with the white population 
of the middle and back country sufficient to insure protection against In- 
dian and negro enemies, they turned their attention to other things. In 
the new issues that successively faced the colony in the decade preceding 
the Revolution the back country at times figured largely, but no longer 
as a mere reserve of man-power. It was now a section of the province with 
its own problems. 

But the period of thirty-seven years since the appointment of Governor 
Johnson had accomplished far more than the settling of two-thirds of the 
area of the later state, and giving it — as far as concerned the whites — the 
racial composition it was to retain through two centuries. The settlement 
of the interior of North and South Carolina and the extension of popula- 
tion along the coast had brought the rice country into close physical contact 
with its neighbors to the north, and South Carolina, which in 1729 had 

*^ See, for instance, SCG, June 8, 1765. 

^^ Only the occasional references supplied by wills and inventories and news- 
paper advertisements give hints of the number of slaves. Comparison of these 
with similar references for the years preceding and with the headrights recorded 
in land petitions before 1756 suggests this figure. 

*^ See SCG, Jan. 29, Oct. 22, 1763. 



Back Country and Frontier 261 

much of the appearance of a West Indian colony, became like the main- 
land settlements. 

The most interesting result of this expansion, however, was the es- 
tablishment in the back country of a population that in its economic condi- 
tions and its social trends was very different from that of the tidewater. 
In its essential characteristics, and to a less degree in its connections, it was 
merely an extension southwestward of the piedmont society and population 
of the more northern colonies, as the rice and indigo plantations in turn 
were now a part of the wealthy and highly developed coast country of 
the English mainland. 

But the other forces — the artificial though real boundaries set up by 
the British and provincial governments, the geographic situation that made 
Charleston the trading outlet of the whole area between the Peedee and 
the Savannah, the history of the last thirty years in which a vigorous and 
capable government had partly determined the lines of provincial expan- 
sion, and therefore had more than the usual influence over it — all tended 
to mark off the South Carolina tidewater, middle country and piedmont as 
sections or portions of a single commonwealth. 

The tidewater and back country were indeed two commonwealths, one 
highly developed, cultivated and confident; the other new, raw, slightly 
organized and uncertain of itself. Nevertheless the good qualities that 
characterized so large a part of the piedmont population promised to make 
it a vigorous though sadly handicapped rival of the older society. They 
were different and in many respects hostile, but not to such an extent that 
it was altogether impossible for them to find common ground. They were 
widely separated by distance and interests, but their connections were real 
and the bonds already established were of some strength. Nor were the 
areas and present and potential populations so large as to prevent effective 
operation upon the two by the factors tending to bring about a closer union. 
No situation better calculated to stimulate both groups and to challenge 
leadership could have been devised. 



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Bennett, Susan S., "Some Early Settlers of Calhoun County", Proceedings of the 

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Bennett, Susan S., "The Courtonnes of South Carolina", Transactions of the 

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266 The Expansion of South Carolina 

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INDEX 

Note: Middle and back country settlers are identified by township, 
e.g., Amelia, section, e.g., Congarees, or river valley, e.g., Broad. 



Aberlin, Solomon, Congarees, 52 

Aberly, John, Congarees, 52, 63 n. 

Abraham, slave, Fort Loudoun, 223- 
224; freed for services, 229 

Adair, James, 220; and frontier, 121; 
and Choctaw affair, 195; in Cherokee 
War, 228-229 

Adamson, James, Wateree, 105, 136, 
175; Fort Loudoun, 232 

Agriculture, Purrysburg, 38-39; Amel- 
ia, 50; Congarees, 56; Williamsburg, 
81-83; Saluda, 120, 131; Waxhaws, 
142; clearing ground for, 165; meth- 
ods, 166; back country, labor in, 174; 
middle country, 182; Hillsborough, 
252, 253 

Aiken, James, planter, 81 

Alabama Fort (Fort Thoulouse), 185, 
190, 195, 217 

Albany, 203 ; Congress, 208 

Alder, Conrad, Broad, 148 

Alexander, Aaron, Long Canes, 135 

Alexander, Adam, Long Canes, 135 

Alexander, David, 100 

Alexander, Zebulun, Long Canes, 135 

Allison, Robert, Lynches, 146 n. 

Altamaha River, 6; fort on, 10; pro- 
posed settlement of, 18, 20; defense 
of, 188-189 

Amelia Township, 101, 137, 161, 172, 
182, 183, 230; map, 32; settlement, 
42-44, 50-51; settlers from, 60, 149; 
Germans in, 154; demand for repre- 
sentation, 183; Indian raid, 200; 
warrants, 1761-1765, 257 

American colonies, proposed immigra- 
tion from, 17, 20 n. 

Amherst, General Jeffrey, 228, 232, 236, 
237 

Ancrum, William, Charleston, 104 

Anderson, Abel, Broad, 157 

Anderson, Dr. Abraham, Broad and 
Saluda, 180 n. 



Anderson, David, Black, 108, 145 n. 

Anderson, Enoch, Saluda, 130, 133 

Anderson, James, Congarees, 52 

Andrews, James, Broad, 148 

Anglican Church, 8, 47; Purrysburg, 
40; Orangeburg, 47; Amelia, 51; 
Congarees, 64; Williamsburg, 85; 
Peedee, 97-98; Wateree, 107 

Anson County, North Carolina, 138 

Appenzell, Switzerland, 66, 67 

Arledge, John, Wateree, 136 

Arms and ammunition, 121, 125, 143, 
162, 169, 201, 203-204, 206, 217, 227, 
233, 234 

Armstrong, Samuel, Cheraws, 94 

Assembly, the, and early settlement pol- 
icy, 5 ; composition, 6-7 ; and town- 
ship plan, 21-22; petition for troops, 
26; and plans for Purrysburg, 34; 
reimbursed for Indian expenses, 199- 
200; asks larger territory, 249 

Atkin, Edmund, Superintendent Indian 
Affairs, 225 

Atkinson, Elisha, Broad, 148 

Aubrey, Samuel, Broad, 234 n. 

Augusta, 10, 72, 170, 228, 237, 246; and 
Indian trade, 15, 69-71; founded, 66; 
in Cherokee War, 222, 225, 235 n. 

Augusta County Virginia, 134, 138-140, 
148 n. 

Austin, George, council, 242 

Bachman, John Ulric, Congarees, 52, 
54 

Back country, map 112; settlement, 112- 
158 {see Broad, Catawba, Lynches, 
Saluda, Savannah and Wateree Riv- 
ers) ; description, 113-115; Indian 
trade in settlement of, 117-119, 162; 
hunters in, 119-120; relation to pro- 
vincial government, 133; significance 
of church development, 144—145; 
Germans in, 150-154; in 1759, 160- 



269 



270 



Index 



184; population and origin, 160-162; 
settlement process, 162-165; industry, 
165-169; trade and transportation, 
169-172; manufacturing, 172-173; 
labor, 173-174; life, 174-177; church 
and education, 177-180; significance, 
181-182; and imperial policies, 185; 
Indian alarm of 1751, 201; in Chero- 
kee War, 212-240 {see Cherokee 
War); raids upon, 222-227; settlers' 
forts, 223, 234-236; enlistments from, 
226-227; growth of, 1761-1765, 241- 
261; importance of, 242; warrants in, 
258-259; settlers from, 259; popula- 
tion and change in type of settlers, 
260; significance, 1765, 261 
Baden, Germany, 152 
Baker, Elihu, Congarees, 52, 59, 63 n. 
Baker, William, Congarees, 52, 55 
Ball, David, Saluda, 119 
Banks, Charles, Saluda, 119-121 
Baptist Church, Euhaw, 39; Congarees, 
64-65; Coosawhatchie, 74-75; Peedee 
and Lynches, 74-75, 145, 180; Welsh 
Tract, 96-98; Broad, 157, 180; prayer 
meetings on Broad, 158, 180 n.; Fair- 
forest, 158, 180 
Barker, Thomas, Salkehatchie, 74 
Barksdale, Isaac, New Windsor, 127 
Barley, Congarees, 62, 174; Welsh 

Tract, 91 ; Waterees, 106 
Earner, Andrew, Congarees, 52, 62 n. 
Barnwell, John, township plan of, 18 
Barrow, Richard, Welsh Tract, 91 
Barrow, Sarah, Welsh Tract, 91 
Baskins, William, Virginia, 124 
Bassett, Nathaniel, Savannah, 128 
Bassett, Thomas, New Windsor, 128 
Bassnett, John, Williamsburg, 84 
Baxter, Arthur, Kingston, 87 
Baxter, Rev. John, Cainhoy, 79, 88, 251 
Baxter, John, Boonesborough, 252 n. 
Bayle, Cecile, Hillsborough, 254 
Beach Island, 68 
Beale, Othniel, council, 242 
Beamer, James, Cherokee trader, 119 n., 

132, 192, 208 n., 221 
Beamer, Thomas, Cherokee trader, 132, 

221, 222 
Beans, Purrysburg, 38; Congarees, 56; 
back country, 166; Hillsborough, 253 
Bear Creek, Saluda, 147, 171 
Bears, 38, 169 



Beaufort, 38, 39 

Beaver Creek, Broad, 235 n. 

Beaver Creek, Wateree, 137, 141, 142 n. 

Beaver skins, 122, 169 

Beaverdam Creek, Saluda, 147, 153 n. 

Beaverdam Creek, Stevens Creek, 129 

Beckeli, Peter, 152 

Beddingfield, William, Long Canes, 
134 n. 

Bedgegood, Rev. Nicholas, Welsh Tract, 
96 

Beech Branch (Coosawhatchie) Baptist 
Church, 75 n. 

Beer, 62, 175, 253 

Belfast, settlers from, 79 

Belfast Township. See Londonborough. 

Bell, Thomas, Fort Ninety Six, 236 

Bell Hall, Congaree, 44 n. 

Bellville, Amelia, 50 

Beresford, John, 54 

Berlin, 36 n. 

Berry, Thomas, Congarees, 52, 55 

Beudeker, Henry Christopher, Conga- 
rees, 62, 174 

Binsky, Martyn, Orangeburg, 46 

Black Creek, Peedee, 92 

Black River, 90, 161; township pro- 
posed, 20; Williamsburg on, 79-84; 
settlement of upper waters, 107-109; 
settlers from, 145; warrants, 1761- 
1765, 257. See Williamsburg. 

Board of Trade, 210, 228, 252; and 
township plan, 19-20; and settlement 
acts, 21-22; and land dispute, 23; and 
Purrysburg plans, 34; and Hamilton 
plan, 126; and Indian affairs, 194, 
196; and Carolina boundary, 247-250 

Boater, Nicholas, Broad, 150 

Books, Purrysburg, 39-40; Saxe Gotha, 
56, 63, 64 n.; Welsh Tract, 96; Wat- 
eree, 106; Waxhaws, 143; back and 
middle country, 177-178 

Boone, Governor Thomas, 243, 251; ap- 
pointed, 228; on Indian trade plan, 
244—245 ; dispute with Commons, 246, 
252 

Boonesborough Township, map, 116; 
settled, 250-252 

Booth, John, Welsh Tract, 96 

Bosher, Thomas, captain of rangers, 
227 

Bosomworth, Thomas and Mary, 204- 
205 



Index 



271 



Bounties to settlers, 25, 27 n., 28, 30, 34, 
35, 56, 79, 89, 92, 100, 103-104, 151, 
152, 155, 163, 251-257 

Bourquin, Henry, Purrysburg, 38, 39 

Boutiton, Rev. Pierre, Hillsborough, 
253, 254 

Box, Edward, Saluda, 236 n. 

Box, Robert, Saluda, 236 n. 

Boykin, Edward, Lynches, 145 

Boykin, Henry, Lynches, 145 

Brabant, Dr. Daniel, Purrysburg, 38 

Brabant, Isaac, Purrysburg, 38 n. 

Braddock's expedition, 210 

Bradley, James, Black, 108 

Brandenburg, 39 

Brannon, Michael, Wateree, 105 

Bready, Daniel, Wateree, 137 n. 

Breed, Joseph, Broad, 158 n. 

Brewery, proposed for Congarees, 62 

Briar Creek, Savannah, 73 

Bricks, at Fort Moore, 173 

Brim, Lower Creek headman, 205 

British. See English. 

Broad and Saluda, 128; settlement on, 
137, 180 n.; forts on, 168; wagons 
from, 170 n.; complaint from, 181 n.; 
Indian alarm, 201 

Broad River, 143, 163; settlement, 147- 
158; Germans on, 148, 150-155; set- 
tlers from Raifords Creek, 148; set- 
tlers from Northward, 148-149; settle- 
ment of Enoree and Tyger, 149- 
150; later English settlers, 155-156; 
churches and education, 156-158, 180; 
roads, 171; blacksmiths, 172; Chero- 
kee raids, 217; defense of, 233-235; 
in boundary dispute, 250; warrants, 
1761-1765, 258 

Broad River, Georgia, 122 n., 245 

Brooks, Jacob, Saluda, 223, 234 n., 236 

Broughton, Lieutenant-Governor 
Thomas, 81, 90, 188; visits townships, 
46; and imperial expansion, 189 

Brown, Andrew, Saluda, 131, 222 

Brown, David, 42 n. 

Brown, Edward, Saluda, 130 

Brown, John, Chickasaw captain, 228- 
229 

Brown, Lazarus, Lower Three Runs, 75 

Brown, Patrick, Congarees, 52, 54, 132, 
202; in Catawba trade, 53; in Creek 
trade, 68 n., 191; leading trader, 69 

Brown, Thomas, 51 n., 147, 170; in Con- 



garees, 52-54, 57-58, 59 n., 63; estate, 
58, 176 n.; Ninety Six lands, 118, 126 

Brown, William, Congarees, 52, 53 n., 
58, 59, 175 n. 

Brown, Rae & Co., Indian trade, 69 

Bryan, John, 42 n. 

Bryan, Thomas, Savannah, 128 n. 

Buckhead Creek, Amelia, 42, 44, 50, 51, 
101 

Buckhead Creek, Salkehatchie, 74, 212, 
223, 234 n. 

Buffalo, 119, 169 

Buffalo Creek, Broad, 209 

Buffalo Creek, Lynches, 145 

Bugnion, Rev. Joseph, Purrysburg, 40 

Bull, Lieutenant-Governor William, the 
Elder, and imperial expansion, 189- 
190 

Bull, Lieutenant-Governor William, the 
Younger, 218, 243; appointed, 228; 
on Montgomery's prospects, 229; and 
defense of province, 232-233, 236; and 
peace negotiations, 239-240; and pro- 
vincial boundary, 250; instructions for 
Hillsborough settlers, 252-253 

Bunning, Robert, Cherokee trader, 192 

Burgess, Benjamin, Saluda, 121-122, 
130-131 

Burghart, Jacob, Saluda, 155 

Burnett, Daniel, Saluda, 125, 130, 131 

Burrington, Governor George, North 
Carolina, 19 n. ; and boundary dispute, 
247-248 

Busby, William, Congarees, 52 

Bush River, 130, 133, 172, 222, 223, 234 n., 
259 

Buss, Hans, Congarees, 52 

Busser, Ulrick, Congarees, 52 

Bussey, George, Stevens Creek, 129, 225 

Butler, Major Hugh, 118 

Butter and cheese, from townships, 83 ; 
Wateree, 106; Waxhaws, 142, 143, 
175; back and middle country, 168 

Cainhoy Presbyterian Church, 79 
Calabash Creek, Hard Labor Creek, 

251 n. 
Calhoun, Ezekiel, Long Canes, 134, 135 n. 
Calhoun, Hugh, Long Canes, 134, 135 n. 
Calhoun, James, Long Canes, 134 
Calhoun, Patrick, Long Canes, 133-135, 

169, 175, 246; and settlement of Hills- 



272 



Index 



borough, 252-253; and Londonbor- 
ough, 255 

Calhoun, William, Long Canes, 134, 174, 
176 n. 

Calhoun Creek, Savannah, 135, 246 n. 

Camp Creek, Catawba, 137 

Campbell, Elizabeth, Stevens Creek, 
126 n. 

Campbell, Hugh, Williamsburg, 84 

Campbell, John, Indian trader, 190, 195- 
196 

Campbell, Martin, New Windsor, 70, 71 

Camping Creek, Saluda, 154 

Cane Creek, Catawba, 137-140 

Cane Hill, Long Canes, 134-135 

Cane swamps, middle country, 75 ; back 
country, 149, 150, 163, 166 

Cannon, John, Broad, 149, 156 n., 157 

Cannons Creek, Broad, 149, 153, 171, 
172 

Canomore, Jacob, Broad, 148, 157 

Cantey, John, Santee, 109 

Cantey, Josiah, Santee, 109 

Cantey, William, Lynches, 146 n. 

Cantzon, Dr. John, Waxhaws, 180 n. 

Cape Fear River, 6; Indians, 12; in 
boundary dispute, 247-248 

Cardiff, Patrick, Savannah, 128 n. 

Carey, Purmont, Broad, 148 

Carter, Benjamin, Amelia, 43 

Cartwright, John, London, 59 n. 

Cashaway Baptist Church, Peedee, 96 

Cassels, Henry, Black, 108 

Catawba Indians, 71, 100, 104, 108, 137, 
143, 165; in 1729, 11, 13; effect of 
whites upon, 13, 142; entertainment 
of, 43-44; decline of, 58, 136; trade of, 
99-100; conferences with, 119, 142, 
143, 194; encroachments on, 140, 142; 
and Iroquois, 193, 200, 203; expel Sa- 
vannahs, 198; and Virginia defense, 
208, 210; fort for, 212, 218, 235 n.; in 
Cherokee War, 218, 220, 228-229, 237; 
and Indian Congress, 245; and South 
Carolina boundary, 248-250 

Catawba River, 96, 143, 170; settle- 
ment, 136-145; description, 136-137; 
conflict over lands, 137-140; migra- 
tion from Virginia, 138-139; Wax- 
haws settlement, 140-141 ; Catawba 
troubles, 142; church and society, 142- 
145; Cherokee raids on, 217; defense 



of, 233; boundary dispute, 250; war- 
rants, 1761-1765, 258 

Catfish Creek, Peedee, 92; Baptist 
Church, 96 

Catholic immigrants, 152-153 

Cattle and hogs, 200, 252; tidewater, 4; 
frontier, 11, 12; Purrysburg, 38; forks 
of Edisto, 48^9; Congarees, 56, 58, 
62, 63 ; in southwest, 74, 75 ; Williams- 
burg, 83; Peedee, 95; Wateree, 106; 
piedmont, 115; Saluda, 120, 131; Ste- 
vens Creek, 127; Waxhaws, 139, 142, 
143; Lynches, 146; Broad, 149, 151 n.; 
frontier, 162-163; back country, 166, 
167-168, 175; middle country, 182. 
See also Butter, Cowpens, Leather. 

Causart, Richard, Waxhaws, 139 

Caw, Dr. David, 127 n. 

Cedar Creek, Broad, 148, 155, 156 

Chair, riding, 64 n. 

Charleston, 102, 125, 129, 133, 137, 164, 
168, 169, 174, 175, 178, 185, 204, 207, 
214, 222, 224, 228, 252-254; popula- 
tion, 5 n., 6; provincial center, 6; In- 
dian trade, 10, 192, 193, 197, 217; mer- 
chants, 15, 68 n., 70, 84, 104, 151; 1740 
fire, 26; club, 29 n.; treatment of im- 
migrants, 79; North Carolina trade, 
94; Peedee trade, 94; back country 
trade, 143, 170; Germans in, 154; con- 
nections with back and middle coun- 
try, 162, 183; and new Indian trade, 
244, 245, 247; merchants import set- 
tlers, 251; in 1765, 261 

Charleston Baptist Church, 91 

Charleston Presbytery, 143, 144 

Chattooga River, 230; map, 112 

Chatwin, Joseph, Savannah, 128 

Chavous, Matthew, 128 

Cheraw Indians, 90, 93, 100; join Ca- 
tawbas, 13 

Cheraws (section), 90, 94, 97, 171; Little 
Cheraws, 90 

Cherokee boundary, 124, 133, 135; of 
1761, 240, 249, 255 

Cherokee Indians, 101, 103, 162, 185, 
229; description of, 11, 13, 206; im- 
portance of, 13, 14 n., 191, 201, 205; 
Priber and, 43; entertainment of, 43- 
44, 119; route to, 49; and Iroquois, 58; 
Lower Towns, 117, 169, 186, 192, 199, 
200, 204, 206; missions to, 118, 124, 
144, 194; conferences with, 119, 130, 



« 



Index 



273 



132, 194; and Savannahs, 123; bound- 
ary, 160; trade embargoes on, 186, 
199, 201-203; and defense against 
slaves, 188; trade with, 191-192; in- 
trigues of French and enemy Indians 
among, 191, 193, 198-199; Overhills, 
192, 198, 201, 209, 210; war with 
Creeks, 192, 204-205; traders killed 
by, 199, 200; treaties with, 202-203, 
212; attack on Chickasaws, 204; de- 
fense of Virginia frontier, 208, 210; 
cession of lands of, 209, 210; and the 
Seven Years War, 211; war with, 
212-240 {see Cherokee War) ; and In- 
dian Congress, 245 ; boundary of, 248- 
250 

Cherokee path, 2, 10-12, 52, 54, 116, 132; 
in Amelia, 42, 43 ; in Saxe Gotha, 52, 
53, 170, 178; on Savannah, 117; at 
Ninety Six, 117-119, 127, 201 n.; to 
Fort Moore, 128, 129; to Fort Prince 
George, 171 

Cherokee War, 103, 143, 154, 166, 168, 
170, 173, 176, 181, 199, 212-240, 256; 
causes, 214-215, 221; Lyttelton's ex- 
pedition, 217-221; Overhills in, 217, 
221, 224, 225, 229, 230, 238, 239; Val- 
ley in, 217, 222, 238; Lower Towns in, 
217, 221, 222, 229; hostile towns, 219; 
the hostages, 219, 221, 224, 232, 233; 
Middle Settlements in, 221, 222, 224, 
229 n., 230, 238, 239; prisoners, 223, 
224, 229, 232, 233, 236-237, 240; Mont- 
gomery's expedition, 228-232, 234, 236; 
engagements near Echoe, 230-231, 238; 
Grant's expedition, 237-239; peace ne- 
gotiations, 236, 237, 239-240; results, 
240-241. See also Provincial troops, 
Rangers. 

Chevillette, John, Orangeburg, militia 
colonel, 46, 227 ; justice of the peace, 47 

Chevis, John, Long Canes, 133 

Chickasaw Indians, route to, 10; in 1729, 
14; and the French war, 70, 195, 203- 
204; trade with, 186 n., 191; defense 
of, 190; in Cherokee War, 218, 228- 
229, 234, 237; and Indian Congress, 
245 

Chickasaw Indians, New Windsor, 70- 
73, 121, 188-190, 194, 204; in Cherokee 
War, 228 

Chisselle, Rev. Henry Francis, Purrys- 
burg, 40 



Choctaw Indians, route to, 10; in 1729, 

14; attempts at alliance with, 121, 195- 

197; French domination of, 190-191; 

and Chickasaw war, 203-204 

Chotee, Cherokee town, 209, 219 n., 224; 

map, 212 
Christmas, Jonathan, Wateree, 137 
Church and religion, 19; Purrysburg, 
40; Orangeburg, 47-48; Congarees, 
64-65; New Windsor, 72; Williams- 
burg, 86; Welsh Tract, 96, 97; state 
of in back country, 179-180; and edu- 
cation, 179; missionaries, 180; middle 
country, 183; Hillsborough, 252-253 
Clark, Daniel, New Windsor, 68 n., 69 n. 
Clark, James, Lynches, 145 n. 
Clayton, John, Edisto forks, 49 n. 
Cleland, John, 81 
Clever, Andrew, Catawba, 142 
Clinton, Governor George, New York, 

203 
Clothing, Congarees, 59, 63 n. ; New 
Windsor, 70; Wateree, 106; of immi- 
grants, 162; back country, 167, 174— 
175 
Cloud, Isaac and Mary, Saluda, 122- 

123, 178, 200, 201 
Clouds Creek, Saluda, 122 
Cobb, James, Catawba, 105 n. 
Coffee, proposed for Saluda crop, 126 
Coleman, Henry, Congarees, 56 
Coleman, John, Congarees, 56 
Coleman (Gallman), John Frederick, 

Congarees, 54 
Coleworts, Saluda, 120; back country, 

166 
Collier, John, Saluda, 121 n., 131 
Collins, John, Wateree, 105 
Collins, Samuel, Enoree, 149, 150 
Collins River. See Enoree. 
Colonels Creek, Wateree, 102, 103 
Coltsons Branch, Salkehatchie, 75 
Combahee River, 41 n., 73 
Commissary-general, 100, 167, 244 
Commons House of Assembly, 6-7, 91; 
and paper money, 8-9; and Indian 
relations, 16, 123, 193, 194, 201, 204; 
proposed township representation in, 
19-20, 85 ; arrest of surveyor-general 
by, 23; attempts to settle coast, 27-28, 
124; members of for St. Peter's, St. 
Matthew's, and St. Mark's, 40, 51, 
109; middle country demand for rep- 



274 



Index 



resentation, 183; imperial aims, 185- 
186; and Glen's plans, 194 n., 198, 199, 
206, 207, 210; and Lyttelton, 213, 218; 
and Seven Years War, 215, 216; pro- 
vides rangers and troops, 225, 226, 
236; verdict on Cherokee War, 240; 
and negro problem, 241-242; new set- 
tlement policy, 242-243, 256; quarrel 
with Boone, 246 

Congaree garrison, old, 2, 11-12, 52-54, 
63, 66 

Congaree Indians, 11 

Congarees (section), 11, 99, 103, 117, 
133, 136, 147, 148 n., 151 n., 165, 176, 
194, 200, 207, 219, 223; early settlers, 
12; map of, 52; settlement of, 52-65; 
Raifords Creek settlers, 59-61 ; Ger- 
mans in, 61-62, 154, 256; emigration 
from, 62 {and see Saxe Gotha) ; mili- 
tia, 156 n.; industry, 166, 170, 172; 
river navigation, 182; Indian alarm, 
201; in Cherokee War, 212, 223, 227, 
228, 235 n.; troops at, 232, 233, 236; 
supplies at, 237; warrants, 1761-1765, 
257 

Connocortee, Cherokee headman, 209, 
215, 219 n. 

Conoway, Thomas, Broad, 148 

Constables, 84, 102, 132 

Cook, James, and map of South Caro- 
lina, 250 

Cooke, John, 42 n. 

Cooplett, R., Congarees, 52 

Coosawhatchie Baptist Church, 74-75, 
145 n. 

Coosawhatchie River, 161; settlement 
on, 74-76, 154; cattle industry, 162 

Corker, Thomas, Charleston, 58, 175 

Corn, 92, 100, 252; Purrysburg, 38; Or- 
angeburg, 45, 46; Congarees, 54, 56, 
173 ; southwest, 74, 75 ; Williamsburg, 
80, 82; Welsh Tract, 94; Saluda, 120, 
132; Waxhaws, 142; Broad, 156; and 
fodder, back country, 165-166, 173, 
175; Hillsborough, 253 

Cotton, bounty for, 29, 167 n.; proposed 
for Purrysburg, 34; gin for rough- 
seed, 167 n.; back country, 173 

Council, the, 163 ; position and policy, 
7-9; and settlement, 23, 27 n.; impe- 
rial policy, 185, 189 n.; and Glen, 193- 
194, 196; and Virginia Indian trade, 
208; quarrel with Commons, 210; and 



Cherokee War, 218, 219; and slave 
duty bill, 241-242 
Counterfeiting, 55; in Orangeburg, 47 
Courts and courthouses, Orangeburg, 47; 
Augusta County Virginia, 138; lack 
of in back country, 180-181; middle 
country demand for, 183 
Cowpens, location, 12; Amelia, 43; Or- 
angeburg, 45; Edisto forks, 49; New 
Windsor, 70, 72 n.; southwest, 73-75; 
Williamsburg, 82; Peedee, 90; Stevens 
Creek, 117; Broad, 148 n.; frontier, 
162 
Cox, Ezekiel, Amelia, 51 n. 
Coyte, Hercules, 37 n. 
Coytmore, Lieutenant Richard, Fort 

Prince George, 217, 219, 224 
Craig, John, New Windsor, 70 n. 
Crawford, John, Cheraws, 94-95, 168 n. 
Crawford, Thomas, Lynches, 146 n. 
Crebs, John, Broad, 155 
Credy, Julius, Congarees, 55 n. 
Creek Indians, 74; route to, 10; on Sa- 
vannah, 12, 73-74; divisions of, 14; 
relations with, 185-186, 189-191, 194, 
205, 211; use of against Spanish, 188; 
policy, 190, 205; war with Cherokees, 
192, 204-205; missions to, 194; in 
Cherokee War, 217, 218, 225, 237 n.; 
discontent of, 245-246. See also Forts, 
proposed. 
Crell, Joseph, Congarees, 52, 55, 56, 153, 

165 n. 
Crell, Stephen, Congarees, 52, 55, 56 
Crim, Peter, Broad, 149, 156, 172 
Crime and punishment, 131; Beaufort, 
38; southwest, 75; Kingston, 87-88; 
Catawba, 142; Saluda, 155, 215 
Crims Creek, 149, 150-153, 157, 171 
Crims Creek Church, 64, 155, 171 
Crockatt, Archibald, Waxhaws, 139, 140 
Crockatt, John, Waxhaws, 141 
Croft, Childermas, Commissioner Indian 

Affairs, 193 n. 
Croft, George, Congarees, 52 
Crokatt, James, provincial agent, 52, 

200 n. 
Crooked Creek, Peedee, 92 
Crouch, Abraham, Congarees, 52 
Crown, authority of, 7 
Cuffy Town, Stevens Creek, 129 n., 256 
Cuffytown Creek, Stevens Creek, 129; 



Index 



275 



name, 127, 256; settlements, 128, 251, 
256 

Cumberland River, 198 

Cuming, Sir Alexander, 44, 202 

Cunnicatoka, Cherokee headman, 237, 
238 n. 

Currency, provincial contest over, 8-9, 
210 n.; amount and value of, 9; set- 
tlement of dispute over, 19; British 
merchants oppose, 22; letter on, 38 n. ; 
war issues of, 215 

Cussings, George, Creek trader, 191 

Cussoe Indians, 12 

Customs duties, 8, 21, 27-28, 30 

da Costa, Solomon, London, 126 

Dade, John Townsend, Coosawhatchie, 

74 
Dargan, John, Wateree, 109 
Dargan, William, 118 n. 
Daugherty, Cornelius, Cherokee trader, 

132, 192 
Davies, Robert, Waxhaws, 138, 140, 144 
Davies, Rev. Samuel, Virginia, 144 
Davies, William, Waxhaws, 138-140 
Davis, Evan, Welsh Tract, 91 
Davis, James, Long Canes, 253 n. 
Davis, John, Saluda, 130 
Davis, Thomas, Saluda, 120 n. 
Dawson, John, 168 n. 
De Beaufain, Hector Berenger, Purrys- 

burg, 38-39 
De Brahm, William Gerard, 213-214 
Debts, planters', 8; protection for debt- 
ors, 11; Congarees, 58, 62 n., 63; New 
Windsor, 68, 69, 71 ; Williamsburg, 
84; Wateree, 103 n., 137; Saluda, 120, 
133; Indian trade, 132, 192, 196-197; 
Broad, 158; back country, 170 
Deep River, North Carolina, 158 
Deer and deerskins, in Congarees, 56; 
Savannah River, 121-122; back coun- 
try, 169, 175; duties on, 186; exports 
of, 192 
Delaware, 90 

Deley, Alexander, Broad, 148 
Delmestre, Peter, Purrysburg, 39 
DeLoach, William, Lynches, 145 
Demere, Captain Paul, Fort Loudoun, 

217, 218, 232, 233 
Demere, Captain Raymond, Fort Lou- 
doun, 213-214, 217 
Democracy, economic basis for in back 



country, 164, 167, 179, 181-182 

Denly, James, Congarees, 52 

de St. Pierre, Jean Louis, 254 n. 

de Saussure, Henry, Purrysburg, 39 

Desertion from provincial troops, 216, 
219, 230, 238 n. 

Detring, Herman Christopher, Con- 
garees, 52 

Devonal, Daniel, Welsh Tract, 92 

Dial, Thomas, Lynches, 146 n. 

Dick, John, New Windsor, 67 

Dickert, Peter, Broad, 155 

Dining Creek, Fairforest, 158 n. 

Dinwiddle, Lieutenant-Governor Robert, 
and Cherokees and Catawbas, 208, 210 

Dixon, John, Wateree, 103 

Dobbs, Governor Arthur, North Caro- 
lina, 95-96, 135, 167, 175, 197, 249 

Dobell, John, 83 

Dogs, back country, 142, 169, 224 

Donaldson, Rev. William, Kingston, 88 

Dorchester, 10, 72 n. 

Douglas, David, New Windsor, 68 n. 

Douglas, George, Waxhaws, 138 

Douglas, John, Waxhaws, 139, 142 

Dowey, David, Cherokee trader, 120 n. 

Dreher, Godfrey, Congarees, 235 n. 

Dues, Christopher Jacob, Broad, 153 

Dugette, Anne, Wateree, 101 n. 

Duncan, John, Broad, 150 

Duncans Creek, Enoree, 150, 157 

Dungworth, Henry and Anne, Wateree, 
102 

Dunlap, Samuel, Waxhaws, 144 

DuPont, Abraham, 49 n. 

DuPra, Peter, Purrysburg, 38 n. 

Dutch Fork, 130; prospect for assimila- 
tion, 256. See Broad River. 

Dyer, James, Savannah, 245 

Eastatoe, Cherokee town, 217, 220, 221, 
229 

Ebenezer, Georgia, 32, 36 n., 37, 39, 40, 
55, 64 n., 169, 173 n., 177 

Echoe, engagements at, 212, 230-231, 238 

Edgefield District, 127 n. 

Edisto River, 127 n.; township proposed, 
20; North Fork of, 44; settlement of 
forks of, 48-49; cattle industry in 
forks of, 162; roads, 172; forks of in 
Cherokee War, 227; warrants, 1761- 
1765, 257 

Education, Purrysburg, 39 ; Welsh Tract, 



276 



Index 



96; Broad, 157; back country, 177- 
179, 180 n.; middle country, 183 
Edwards, Job, Welsh Tract, 92 n. 
Ellerbe, Thomas, Welsh Tract, 94, 97 n. 
Elliott, John, Cherokee trader, 197, 213, 

221 
Ellis, Gideon, Welsh Tract, 93 
Ellis, Governor Henry, Georgia, 225 
"Emperor," Cherokee, 194, 237 
English, Joshua, Wateree, 103 
English settlers, 153; Purrysburg, 35; 
Orangeburg and Amelia, 47, 48; Con- 
garees, 56, 61, 65; New Windsor, 67; 
Salkehatchie, 74; Welsh Tract, 96; 
Wateree, 104; Stevens Creek, 129; 
Waxhaws, 144; and Germans on 
Broad and Saluda, 155-156; middle 
country, 160; and Scotch, 160-161, 257 
Enoree River, 131, 163, 167, 172; descrip- 
tion, 149; settlement, 149-150, 156; 
roads, 171; Cherokee War, 216, 223, 
234 n.; warrants, 1761-1765, 258 
Epting, John Adam, Broad, 151, 153, 155 
Erwin, Hugh, Black, 108 
Eutaw Springs, Cherokee path, 11 
Evan, Annie, Welsh Tract, 91 
Evan, Nathaniel, Welsh Tract, 91 
Evan, Thomas, Welsh Tract, 91 
Evans, Joseph, Wateree, 103 
Evans, Thomas, Welsh Tract, 92 
Eveleigh, Samuel and George, Indian 
trade of, 70, 193 

Fairchild, John, Congarees, 52; lands of, 
60; surveyor, 62, 157, 255; lieutenant, 
captain of rangers, 64, 103, 123, 236; 
and Indian alarms, 201 

Fairforest Baptist Church, 158, 180 

Fairforest Creek, 112, 156, 158, 235 n. 

Fallowfield, John, New Windsor, 70, 178 

Farrar, Dr. Benjamin, Congarees, 180 n. 

Farrell, William, 105 n. 

Fauquier, Lieutenant-Governor Francis, 
Virginia, 216 

Fees, dispute over township, 23, 25, 29; 
for land grants, 163-164, 244 

Fenwicke, John, council, 189 n., 205 n. 

Ferries, Joyner's, 44, 51, 107; McCord's, 
51; Friday's, Myrick's, Howell's, 52, 
63, 171; New Windsor, 72; Murrays, 
84; Ancrum's, 104; Beards, 106; 
Wright's, 107; Little Saluda, 119; Sa- 



luda, 147, 194; Kirkland's, 171; Sand 
Bar, 172 

Fielding's Joseph Andreivs, 178 

Finley, Robert, Williamsburg, 84 

Fishdam Shoals, 172 

Fishdams, 169, 172 n. 

Fishing, 169 

Fishing Creek, 138, 141-143, 258 

Fishing Creek Presbyterian Church, 143, 
144, 180 

Fitzpatrick, Garret, Amelia, 51 n. 

Flax, bounty for, 29 ; proposed for Or- 
angeburg, 45, for Saluda, 126; in 
Congarees, 62, 63 n.; linen in Wil- 
liamsburg, 82-83; Welsh Tract, 91; 
Wateree, 106; Waxhaws, 143; back 
country, 167, 173 

Fleming, John and Janet, Williamsburg, 
83 

Fletchall, Thomas, Broad, 235 n. 

Food and drink, supplies for settlers, 
28 n., 34, 89, 92, 100, 252, 253; Amelia, 
43; Congarees, 58, 59, 62, 63; New 
Windsor, 70, 71; Kingston, 88; Wax- 
haws, 142; back country, 165-166, 175- 
176 

Fordyce, Rev. John, Prince Frederick's, 
97 

Fords, Land's (Catawba), 140, 144; Sa- 
luda, 147; Lyles' (Broad), 149, 172; 
Fishdam (Broad), 172. See also Fer- 
ries. 

Foreign languages, persistence of, Pur- 
rysburg, 40-41; Orangeburg, 47-48; 
Welsh Tract, 96 n.; Congarees, 178 

Forests, 114 

Fort Adventure, Savannah, 235 n. 

Fort, Ashepoo, 234 n. 

Fort, Aubrey's, Enoree, 212, 223, 227, 
234 n. 

Fort, Barker's, Salkehatchie, 212, 234 n. 

Fort, Bedon's, Salkehatchie, 212, 223, 
234 n. 

Fort Boone, Long Canes, 246 

Fort, Brooks' (Rhall's), Bush River, 212, 
223, 224, 234 n. 

Fort Bull, Orangeburg, 212, 234 n. 

Fort, Burkhalter's, 235 n. 

Fort, Catawba, 212, 235 n. 

Fort Charlotte, Savannah, 116, 246, 247 

Fort, Congaree, 63 n., 64, 149, 199 

Fort Cumberland, Maryland, 210 

Fort, Dryer's (Dreher's), 212, 227, 235 n. 



I 



Index 



277 



Fort DuQuesne, 216 

Fort, Fletchall's, 212, 23 5 n. 

Fort Frederick, Port Royal, 188 

Fort, Gallman's, Congarees, 212, 235 n. 

Fort, Galphin's, Savannah, 212, 223, 
235 n. 

Fort, Gordon's, Enoree, 212, 235 n. 

Fort, Hard Labor Creek, 246 

Fort, Helm's, Wateree, 212, 235 n. 

Fort Johnson, Charleston harbor, 215 

Fort, Lee's, Catawba, 212, 235 n. 

Fort, Long Canes, 212, 235 n. 

Fort Loudoun, 62, 211, 217, 225, 236, 237, 
239; building of, 210-211, 213-215; 
map, 212; and garrison of, 217, 218, 
224; siege of, 224, 229, 230, 232; at- 
tempts to relieve, 226, 232; surrender 
of, 232-233; in peace treaty, 240 

Fort, Lyles' ("Loyalls"'), Broad, 212, 
235 n. 

Fort Lyttelton, Beaufort, 252 

Fort Massac (French), 214 

Fort Moore, 2, 71, 119, 123, 173, 174, 185, 
186 n., 196, 198; settlement and In- 
dian trade at, 11; and frontier de- 
fense, 16, 66, 188; and Cherokee trade, 
117; conference at, 193, 194; rebuilt, 
199; in Cherokee War, 223, 225, 233, 
234, 235 n.; abandoned, 246, 247 

Fort, Musgrove's, Enoree, 212, 223, 227, 

234 n., 23 5 n. 

Fort Ninety Six, map, 116, 212; built, 
219; attacked, 222, 224; pay for gar- 
rison, 227, 236; rebuilt, 237 

Fort, Nixon's, Little River, Broad, 212, 

235 n. 

Fort, Otterson's, Tyger River, 212, 235 n. 

Fort, Ott's, Orangeburg, 235 n. 

Fort, Patton's, Long Canes, 246 

Fort, Pearson's, Broad, 212, 235 n. 

Fort, Pennington's, Enoree, 212, 235 n. 

Fort Pitt, 198 

Fort Prince George, 130, 131, 173 n.. 
211, 214, 217-219, 230, 232, 233, 238, 
239; building of, 207, 208; map, 212; 
garrison, 217; smallpox in, 220; at- 
tacks on, 221, 224, 233 n.; relief of, 
226, 229, 234, 236; discontent in, 232; 
and nevy Indian trade, 244, 245, 247 

Fort, Raiford's, Broad, 212, 235 n. 

Fort, Rhall's. See Brooks'. 

Fort, Rowe's, Orangeburg, 235 n. 

Fort, Stevens Creek, 212, 235 n. 



Fort Thoulouse. See Alabama Fort. 

Fort, Tobler's, New Windsor, 212, 235 n. 

Fort, Turner's, Little Saluda, 212, 222, 
227, 235 n. 

Fort, Waggener's, Broad, 212, 235 n. 

Fort William Henry. See Musgrove's. 

Fort, Wofford's, Fairforest, 212, 235 n. 

Forts, proposed, for Cherokee country, 
125, 186, 195, 199, 201, 205-207; for 
Creeks, 186, 190, 195, 205; for Chicka- 
saws and Choctaws, 205 n. 

Forts, settlers', 166, 168, 201, 212, 223, 
227, 234-236 

Foster, Henry, Saluda, 119-121, 130 

Foster, John, Saluda, 119, 120 

Foster, Cunlifle & Sons, Liverpool, 151, 
153 

Fouquet, John, Amelia, 50, 166 n. 

Four Hole Swamp, 200-202 

Fowler, Benoni, Broad, 177 

Fox, Henry, Wateree, 100, 102, 107 

Francis, James, Ninety Six, 49 n., 131 n., 
132, 204, 236; and northwest frontier, 
119-123, 125, 201, 207; importance of, 
133; and Cherokee War, 215-216, 222, 
224 

Eraser, Alexander, 94 n. 

Frasier, John, Congarees, 52, 151 n. 

Frederica, Georgia, 43, 213 

Fredericksburg Township, 136, 137; 
map, 78; surveyed, 99; settlement, 
100-101, 103, 105; Quakers in, 103- 
104; warrants, 1761-1765, 258. See 
also Wateree River. 

Free, Lawrence, Broad, 148, 157 

French, danger from, 13; and southwest 
Indians, 14-16, 189-190, 203, 205; war 
with, 26; advance of, 185; and Choc- 
taws, 190-191, 195-197; and Chero- 
kees, 191, 193-195, 198, 201, 210, 214, 
215, 217; and Ohio Indians, 198; in 
Cherokee War, 237 n. 

French settlers, in Purrysburg, 35, 40; 
in South Carolina, 162; in Hills- 
borough, 252-254, 259 

Friday, Martin, Congarees, 54, 55, 57, 
62, 122, 165, 176 

Friends' Neck, Wateree, 104 

Frolick, Barbara, Orangeburg, 46 

Frontier, and cattle raising, 12; settle- 
ment of northwest, 116-135 {see Sa- 
luda River, Savannah River) ; soci- 
ety, 120-121, 133 



278 



Index 



Frontier defense, after Yamasee War, 
10-13; in 1729, 16, 18, 73; by Purrys- 
burg, 34, 36, 41; Fort Moore, 71; 
northeast, 79; northwest, 125, 133; by 
Catawbas, 136, 142; and relations of 
back and low country, 182; in 1731, 
188; after Spanish war, 189; needs 
of in 1750, 206. See also Forts. 

Frontier forts. See Forts. 

Fruit trees. See Orchards. 

Furniture, Congarees, 57-59, 63 n. ; New 
Windsor, 69, 70; Saluda, 122; Wax- 
haws, 143; back country, 174; middle 
country, 183 

Furye, Peregrine, provincial agent, 22 

Gadsden, Christopher, 95, 226, 246; at- 
tacks Grant, 239-240 

Galliser, John, Congarees, 52 

Gallman, Henry, Congarees, 62, 235 n. 

Gallman, Jacob, Congarees, 52, 54 

Gallman, John, Congarees, 57, 60 n., 176 

Galphin, George, Savannah, 69-70, 
235 n. 

Gamble, James, Williamsburg, 82; 
Wateree, 105; Savannah, 259 

Gasser, Rev. John, Broad, 154-155 

Geiger, Abraham, Congarees, 55 

Geiger, Elizabeth, Congarees, 63 n. 

Geiger, Herman, Congarees, 55, 56, 
59 n.; in Cherokee trade, 63, 120, 121, 
132, 170; property and estate, 149, 
172, 180 n., 183 

Geiger, Jacob, Congarees, 63 

Geiger, John, Saluda, 155 

Geiger, John Jacob, Congarees, 52, 55 

Geneva, Switzerland, 35 

Georgetown, 89, 94, 227 n. 

Georgia, 120, 186, 205, 249; origin of, 
18; British aid to, 20; restrictions on 
settlers, 20, 28 n.; and Spanish war, 
26; emigration to, 35, 101, 122 n., 128; 
silk industry in, 37; grants to South 
Carolinians, 69, 70, 127; Orphan 
House, 96; and frontier defense, 186, 
199; Indian trade dispute, 186-188; 
Spanish threat to, 188-189; and In- 
dian trade, 191, 202; in Cherokee 
War, 223, 225; and Indian Congress, 
245 

Gerald, James, Congarees, 52, 178 

German settlers, 29; Purrysburg, 35, 
39; Amelia, 43, 50; Congarees, 56, 



61; southwest, 75-76; Wateree, 105; 
Stevens Creek, 129, 246; Saluda, 130, 
147; servants, 130, 174; Broad, 148, 
150-156; immigration of 'fifties, 150- 
156; change in type of, 153; middle 
country, 160; in South Carolina, 162, 
177 n.; illiteracy, 177; German books 
of, 178; church on Crims Creek, 180; 
assimilation of, 183, 256; in London- 
borough, 254-256, 259; warrants, 
1761-1765, 258, 259 

Germantown, Pennsylvania, 69 n. 

Germany, decline of immigration from, 
26, 243, 256. See also German set- 
tlers. 

Gibert, Rev. Jean Louis, Hillsborough, 
252, 254 

Gibson, Dr. Daniel, 52, 54 

Gibson, Gideon, Peedee, 90, 96 

Gibson, Gilbert, Congarees, 52, 60 

Gibson, John, Congarees, 52, 55 

Gibson, John, Saluda, 147 

Gibson, Luke, Wateree, 102 

Gibson, Roger, Williamsburg, 84; Wa- 
teree, 102, 103, 137 

Giessendanner, Rev. John, Orangeburg, 
47-48, 51, 64 

Giessendanner, Rev. John Ulrick, 
Orangeburg, 47 

Gignilliat, Henry, 52, 54 

Gilder, Gilbert, Broad, 150 

Gill, Thomas, Saluda, 235 n. 

Gill Creek. See Jacksons Creek. 

Gillespie, James, Peedee, 93, 95 

Glasgow, University of, 144 

Glen, Governor James, 83, 123, 126, 140, 
142, 178, 189, 190, 213, 214; Ninety 
Six and Saluda Indian conferences, 
119, 209-210; Fort Prince George, 
130, 131; letters, 177; Cherokee af- 
fairs, 192, 201-203; arrival and early 
Indian policy, 193-194, 205; and Com- 
mons, 194 n., 199, 207, 210-211; and 
Choctaw affair, 195-197; Indian trade 
investments, 197-198; Cherokee coun- 
try plans, 205-211; and Dinwiddle, 
208 n., 210; his administration, 211, 
217 

Glover, Joseph, 234 n. 

Goats, New Windsor, 70 

Goodwyn, Robert, Congarees, 61 n. 

Goose Creek, 191 

Gordon, James, 89, 90 n., 94 



Index 



279 



Goudey, Robert, Ninety Six, 116, 118 n., 

169, 192, 219; and Ciierokee trade, 63, 

132, 169, 192, 202; estate, 174 
Governor, 163; position and influence, 

7; authority, 25; and Indian trade, 

185 
Grannys Quarter Creek, Wateree, 171 
Grant, Lieutenant-Colonel James, 229, 

231, 241; Cherokee expedition of, 237- 

239; feeling against, 239-240 
Grant, John Rodolph, Purrysburg, 38 n. 
Grant, Ludovick, Cherokee trader, 192, 

208 
Gray, William, New Windsor, 71, 123, 

189 
Great Britain, proposed immigration 

from, 17, 29, 242, 244 
Great Falls, Catawba, 137, 141 
Great Meadows, battle of, 64, 208 n. 
Great Warrior, Cherokee headman, 

219 n., 224, 232 
Green Hill, Congarees, 52, 59, 62, 63 
Greenland, William, Congarees, 52 
Greg, John, London merchant, 251 
Gregory, Benjamin, Broad, 149 
Gregory, John, Broad, 149 
Gregory, Richard, Wateree, 136, 157 
Grennan, John, captain of rangers, 227 
Grierson, Jane, Waxhaws, 139 n. 
Grimes, James, Black, 108 
Grose, Felix, Broad, 156 n. 
Guerard, John, council, 242 
Gum Swamp, Wateree, 104 
Guttery, John, Broad, 209 

Habick, Daniel, Congarees, 52 
Haghabucher, Jacob, Congarees, 52 
Hagler, Catawba "King," 142 
Haig, Elizabeth, Congarees, 58, 63, 64, 

175. See Mercier. 
Haig, George, 49 n., 71, 118, 119, 175 n., 

194, 195, 199; land of in Amelia, 

42 n. ; in Congarees, 52, 57, 64; career, 

58-59 
Halfway Swamp, Amelia, 42, 50, 51 
Halfway Swamp, St. Mark's Parish, 109 
Hall, Richard, Williamsburg, 82 
Hallman, Conrad, Amelia, 44 
Hamelton, John, Congarees, 61, 131 n. 
Hamilton, John, London, 125-127 
Hamilton's "Great Survey," 5 n., 116, 

251 n. 
Hammerton, Secretary John, 90 



Hancock, Ann, Broad, 148 
Handicraft trades, Purrysburg, 38, 39; 
Charleston, 42 n., 47, 54, 81, 84, 108, 
137, 174; James Island, 45; Orange- 
burg, 46^7; Congarees, 57 n., 62, 
63 n., 174; New Windsor, 67-68; 
Kingston, 88; Wateree, 101; Saluda, 
131; Long Canes, 133; Catawba, 141; 
Saluda, 147; Broad, 148; back coun- 
try, 168, 172-173, 177; Hillsborough, 
252 
Hanging Rock, Lynches, 145 
Hanging Rock Creek, Lynches, 145, 146, 

169 
Hanna, John, Saluda, 131 
Hanover Presbytery, Virginia, 144 
Hard Labor Creek, 127, 172; treaty of, 
212, 249; fort on, 246; township on, 
251; Germans on, 256 
Harrelson, Paul, Wateree, 101 
Harris, Michael, 100 
Harry, David, Welsh Tract, 92 
Harry, Elizabeth, Welsh Tract, 91 
Harry, Evan, Welsh Tract, 91 n., 92 
Harry, John, Welsh Tract, 91, 92 
Harry, John, Jr., Welsh Tract, 91 
Harry, Margaret, Welsh Tract, 91 
Harry, Sarah, Welsh Tract, 91 
Harry, Thomas, Welsh Tract, 91 
Hasfort, Joseph, Wateree, 101 
Hatcher, Seth, Orangeburg, 45 
Havana, 188 

Haverd, Thomas, Saluda, 130, 133 
Haw Tree Creek, Stevens Creek, 128, 

129 
Hay, Hardy, Congarees, 61 n. 
Hay, William, Congarees, 52, 60-61, 65 
Hayle, Jacob, Broad, 153 
Hayne, Nicholas, 52 

Health, Purrysburg, 36; Congarees, 62; 
Williamsburg, 79, 82; Fredericksburg, 
106; conditions of piedmont, 114, 124, 
125; Hillsborough, 253. See also 
Smallpox. 
Hearn, John, Orangeburg, 45, 47 
Heartley, Henry, Broad, 156 n. 
Heatley, William, Amelia, 51 
Heigler, John, Broad, 150 
Hemp, bounty, 29; proposed for Purrys- 
burg, 34; for Saluda, 126; in Orange- 
burg, 45, 46, 167; Congarees, 56, 62, 
167; Williamsburg, 82; Welsh Tract, 



280 



Index 



90; Wateree, 106; Catawba, 143; in 
new townships, 254, 255 
Hendrick, Moses, Broad, 175, 176 
Henleys Creek, Saluda, 116, 118 
Herron, Rev. Robert, Williamsburg, 84 
Hicks, George, Welsh Tract, 94, 95, 

97 n. 
High Hill Creek, Amelia, 44 
High Hill Creek, Saluda, 147 
High Hills of Santee, 108, 175 
Hillsborough, Earl of, 252 
Hillsborough Township, 173, 175, 257; 
map, 116; settlement, 252-254; gov- 
ernment, 253; health, 253 
Holcombe, Benjamin, Broad, 158 n. 
HoUenshed, Samuel, Broad, 148, 172, 

201 
HoUenshed Creek, Broad, 148 
Holman, Andrew, Broad, 149 
Holmans Creek, Broad. 149, 155 
Holston, Stephen, Saluda, 130-132, 165 
Holston River, 218, 239 
Holzendorf, Dr. John Frederick, Purrys- 

burg, 38, 39 
Hood, William, Waxhaws, 139 
Hope, John, Black, 101, 104 n. 
Hopkins, James, Congarees, 52, 54 n. 
Horns Creek, Stevens Creek, 129 
Horse Pen Creek, Stevens Creek, 127- 

129; Germans on, 256 
Horses, 194, 252; wild, Edisto forks, 49; 
Congarees, 56, 58, 59, 62 n., 63; New 
Windsor, 70; Welsh Tract, 95; Wa- 
teree, 106; Saluda, 122, 131; Stevens 
Creek, 127; Waxhaws, 143, 146; of 
immigrants, 162-163; back country, 
168-169, 215 
Houses and buildings, Purrysburg, 38; 
Orangeburg, 46; Edisto forks, 49; 
Congarees, 52, 56, 60; southwest, 73; 
Williamsburg, 79, 81; Kingston, 88; 
Wateree, 102, 104, 105; log, 105, 176; 
Saluda, 122, 131, 132; Waxhaws, 137, 
139, 144; Catawba, 142; Lynches, 145; 
Broad, 149, 157; back country, 164- 
165; building of, 176; middle country, 
182; Hillsborough, 253; Londonbor- 
ough, 255 
Hover, Adam and Barbara, Broad, 152 
Howard, Edward, Wateree, 106 
Howard, Thomas, Stevens Creek, 129 
Howell, Arthur, Congarees, 60 
Howell, Martha, Broad, 148 n. 



Howell, Thomas, Congarees, 52, 60, 171 
Howell, William, Congarees, 52, 60, 

62 n., 65, 180 n. 
Huber, Peter, Orangeburg, 56 n. 
Hudson, John, Wateree, 138 
Hughes, John, Broad, 148 
Hughes, William, Welsh Tract, 92 n. 
Huguenot Church, Purrysburg, 40; 

Plillsborough, 252-254 
Hummell, Peter, Congarees, 52 
Hunter, Surveyor-General George, 23 n., 

81, 118, 126 
Hunter, William, Kingston, 87-88 
Hunters, Ninety Six and Saluda, 119- 

120, 125; in back and middle country, 

162, 169 
Hyde, Mary, Congarees, 52 

Illiteracy, Congarees, 60 n.; Wateree, 
107, 136; Long Canes, 134; Germans, 
153 n., 177; Broad, 157; back country, 
177, 179 

Imer, Rev. Abraham, Congarees, 64 

Immigration, early, 17; decline of, 26, 
28; increase of, 29-30; agents, 34, 48, 
55, 56, 66, 79, 89-91, 150-151 

Inabnet, Peter, Orangeburg, 56 n. 

Independent companies, 206, 207, 209; 
sent to South Carolina, 26-27, 199; 
discharged, 27 n., 199; for frontier 
service, 195, 199; in Virginia, 208 n.; 
at Fort Loudoun, 213; at Augusta, 
225; in provincial regiment, 236. See 
also discharged soldiers of. 

Independent companies, discharged sol- 
diers of, encouraged to settle in prov- 
ince, 27 n.; in Congarees, 61; on Sa- 
vannah, 128 n.; on Saluda, 147; on 
Broad, 148, 149; in middle and back 
country, 161 n. 

Indian Creek, Enoree, 175, 176; settle- 
ment, 149-150, 153, 156, 157; roads, 
171; Cherokee War, 235 n. 

Indian "old fields", 93, 99, 102, 165 

Indian trade, in 1729, 11, 15; Congarees, 
54, 58, 59, 63 ; Fort Moore or Savan- 
nah Town, 66, 69-71; Catawbas, 100; 
and settlement of back country, 117; 
Ninety Six, 132; 1731-1759, 185-211; 
act of 1731, 185-186; act of 1734, 186; 
effect of Georgia dispute, 187-188; in 
1744, 191-193; abuses in, 194, 206, 
208, 214-215; act of 1751, 202; dispute 



Index 



281 



over prices, 186, 205 ; reopening of 
Cherokee, 240; government operation, 
244, 247 ; Southern Congress, 245 ; 
Creek trade, 246; decline of Carolina 
trade, 247 

Indian trade. Commissioner of, 185, 187, 
193 n., 202 n., 204 

Indian Traders, 42, 51; at Fort Moore, 
11, 128 n.; Chickasaw, 14, 187, 191, 
195, 203-204; description of, 15; at 
Congarees, 53, 58, 59, 63; New Wind- 
sor, 67, 68 n., 71; Cherokee, 101, 119, 
125, 169, 187, 190-192, 196, 197, 199- 
200, 208-209, 213, 221; Ninety Six, 
118, 120, 121; importance of in settle- 
ment, 162; imperial schemes of, 185; 
regulation of, 185-186; and southwest 
trade, 190-191; Creek, 187, 191, 225; 
number, 191; life, 192; and Choctaws, 
197 

Indian troubles, 64, 199 ; Wateree, 103 ; 
Ninety Six, 119, 120, 122-123, 131, 
132; Broad River, 150; Amelia, 175 

Indians, agents and missions to, 202 n., 
204-205 

Indigo, success with, 29, 168; proposed 
for Purrysburg, 34; Orangeburg, 46; 
Amelia, 50; Congarees, 62; Georgia, 
69; Salkehatchie, 74, 75; Williams- 
burg, 83; Kingston, 88; Peedee, 94; 
Wateree, 106, 109; Saluda, 131; back 
and middle country, 167, 182; Guate- 
mala seed, 167 

Inns, Amelia, 43-44; Orangeburg, 47; 
Congarees, 63, 64; on Fort Moore 
path, 67, 68; New Windsor, 70; 
Kingston, 88; Wateree, 104, 136; 
Charleston, 129 

Ireland, immigration from, 17, 26, 29, 
242, 250; Scots from, 33, 79; minister 
from, 84; Quakers from, 103; settlers 
from, 104, 137, 251, 256, 259; servants 
from, 174, 175 

Iron ore and use of, in Amelia, 44, 172; 
Broad, 172 

Iroquois, 199; and Catawbas, 13, 198; 
raids, 64, 74, 119, 175, 199-203, 206, 
216 

Ittewan Indians, 12 

Jacks Creek, Santee, 108, 137 
Jackson, Philip, Congarees, 52, 59 
Jackson, Richard, Congarees, 52, 60 



Jackson, Thomas, Congarees, 52 
Jacksons Branch, Salkehatchie, 74 
Jacksons Creek, Congaree, 53, 59, 60 
Jamaica, 6 n., 228 

James, Abel, Welsh Tract, 92, 93, 97 
James, Benjamin, Welsh Tract, 97 
James, Daniel, Welsh Tract, 90, 91, 93 
James, James, Welsh Tract, 91, 93, 96 
James, James, Jr., Welsh Tract, 96 
James, Mary, Welsh Tract, 91 
James, Philip, Welsh Tract, 93, 96 
James, Sarah, Welsh Tract, 91 
James, Thomas, Welsh Tract, 92 
James, William, Welsh Tract, 92, 93, 95 
James, William, Williamsburg, 79, 82, 

84 
James Island, settlers from, 45, 72 n. 
Jarvis, James, New Windsor, 128 n. 
Jeffreys Creek, Peedee, 90, 93 
Jenkin, Eleanor, Welsh Tract, 91 
Jenkins, James, Congarees, 52 
Jenkins, William, Saluda, 147 
Jerman, Edward, 90 n., 94 n. 
Jersey, East and West, settlers from, 

101, 136, 145, 148-150, 161 
Jews, proposed settlement of on Saluda, 

126 
John, Griffith, Welsh Tract, 92 
Johnson, Governor Nathaniel, Silk 

Hope, 254 
Johnson, Governor Robert, 185; ap- 
pointment and early career, 17; his 
township scheme, 17-21, 85, 113; 
crown instructions to, 19-21 ; charges 
against, 23, 24; death and apprecia- 
tion of, 24-25 ; and Purrysburg plans, 
34; lands for in Purrysburg, 36; and 
boundary dispute, 247-248, 250 
Johnston, Andrew, 90 n., 94 n. 
Johnston, Governor Gabriel, North 
Carolina, and boundary dispute, 248 
Jones, Ann, Welsh Tract, 91 
Jones, John, Welsh Tract, 91, 92, 96 
Jones, Ralph, Waxhaws, 137-139 
Jones, Richard, Congarees, 52 
Jones, Thomas, Edisto forks, 49 
Jordan, Abraham, Kingston, 87 
Jordan, Joseph, Kingston, 88 
Jordan, Robert, Kingston, 87 
Joyner, Joseph, Amelia, 43, 44 
Joyner's (McCord's) ferry, 43, 51 
Justices of the peace, 93, 216; appoint- 
ment of, 6; and settlement Indians, 



282 



Index 



12; middle country, 3 5, 45, 47, 50, 61, 
70-72, 84, 88, 93, 95, 102, 104, 178; 
back country, 120, 129, 146, 180-181; 
Virginia, 138; North Carolina, 139, 
180 n.; Simpson's guide for, 253, 255 

Keat, George, Saluda, 168 n. 
Keating, Edward, 118 n. 
Kelly, Timothy, Wateree, 103, 104 
Kennedy, John, Waxhaws, 138 
Keowee, Cherokee town, 2, 117, 118, 
203 ; in Cherokee War, 219, 220, 229- 
231 
Keowee River, 207, 230 
Kershaw, Ely, Wateree, 104 
Kershaw, Joseph, Wateree, 104, 106, 170 
Kilcrease, John, Long Canes, 134 n. 
Kilcrease, Nimrod, Long Canes, 134 n. 
Kilpatrick, Alexander, Congarees, 52; 

Catawba trade, 53, 54 
Kinder, David, Purrysburg, 38 
King, Mary, Kings Creek, Broad, 149 
King, Mary, Wateree Creek, Broad, 149 
Kings Creek, Enoree, 149, 150 n., 171 
Kings Creek, Savannah, 32, 40, 73 
Kingston Presbyterian Church, 87, 88 
Kingston Township, 160; map, 78; set- 
tlement, 86-88 
Kingstree, Williamsburg, 80, 81, 84, 

map, 78 
Kirkland, Moses, 52, 136-137, 169, 171 
Kirkland, Richard, Wateree, 136 
Kitchen utensils, Congarees, 56, 58, 
63 n.; New Windsor, 70; Wateree, 
106; Saluda, 132; Waxhaws, 143; 
back country, 174 
Klein, John Martin, Waxhaws, 138 
Knott, Jeremiah, Indian trader, 70, 71, 

191 
Kolb, Henry, Welsh Tract, 97 
Kolb, John Martin, Welsh Tract, 97 
Kolb, Peter, Welsh Tract, 97 
Kolp, John, Welsh Tract, 93 
Kreps, John George, Saluda, 153 n. 

Lady's Island, 200 
Lamar, John, Stevens Creek, 129 n. 
Lambton, Thomas, Indian trade, 193 
Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, 134 n. 
Lance, Lambert, 104 
Land, Thomas, Catawba, 141 
Land, amounts of in warrants, surveys 
and grants, Purrysburg, 35, 39; 



Amelia, 43, 50; Orangeburg, 45; Saxe 
Gotha, 56, 61 ; Congarees, 61 ; New 
Windsor, 67; southwest, 73-75; Wil- 
liamsburg, 80-81; Kingston, 86-87; 
Queensboro, 90; Welsh Tract, 92; 
Peedee, 94; Wateree, 103; St. Mark's, 
108, 109; Saluda, 125; Stevens Creek, 
129-130; Long Canes, 135; Catawba, 
141; Broad, 156; Boonesborough, 251- 
252; Hillsborough, 254; Stevens 
Creek, 255-256; South Carolina, 1761- 
1765, 257-259 

Land system, Proprietary, 5, 11; royal, 
19-20, 35, 60, 80, 126, 163-164, 257 n.; 
for Georgia, 20 

Landholdings, amounts, 5, 24, 28 n.; ex- 
cessive, 19-20, 23-24, 27 n. 

Land's ford, Catawba, 140, 172 

Lang, Millicent, Congarees, 64 n. 

Lang, Robert, 62, 119, 131; Senior and 
Junior, Congarees, 52, 55 

Laurens, Henry, 70, 83 ; provincial regi- 
ment, 236, 239 

Law and law enforcing agencies, Welsh 
Tract, 95; back country, 133, 178; and 
significance of, 180-181 

Lawrence, Elisha, Long Canes, 165 n. 

Lawrence, William, 168 n. 

Lawyers, 81, 178; in Commons, 6 

Leather and tallow, back country, 168, 
174 

Le Bas, James, St. John's, 43 

LeBoeuf, Jerome, Amelia, 51 n. 

Ledbetter, Henry, Lynches, 145 

Lee, Francis, Catawba, 141 n. 

Lee, John, Catawba, 141 ; Broad, 149, 
172 

Leslie, James, Congarees, 52; Broad, 
62, 148, 156 n.; Virginia, 124 

Lewis, David, Welsh Tract, 90 

Lewis, Maurice, Charleston, 91 

Lichtensteig, Switzerland, 47 

Lide, John, Lynches, 146 n. 

Life and customs, Congarees, 60, 64 
New Windsor, 70-72; tidewater, 79 
Kingston, 88; Welsh Tract, 96 
Saluda, 64, 122, 123, 131-133; Wax- 
haws, 139-140; back country, 176-177, 
209 

Liks, John George, Congarees, 52 

Liles, John, Broad, 235 n. 

Linder, John, Purrysburg, 36 n. 

Lindsay, Charles, Wateree, 102 n., 107 



Index 



283 



Lines, Samuel, Congarees, 52; Saluda, 
62, 147 

Lining, John, 74 n. 

Linn, John, Waxhaws, 138, 140, 144 

Linvell, John, Broad, 150 

Linvells River. See Tyger River. 

Liquor, still at Purrysburg, 40; Con- 
garees, 59; New Windsor, 71; Indian 
trade, 121, 203; Wateree, 136-137; 
Waxhaws, 140, 142, 143 ; stills in back 
country, 173, 176 

Little Carpenter, Cherokee headman, 
and French, 194, 203 ; and Cherokee 
trade, 197, 202; and Fort Loudoun, 
209; ally of English, 215, 216, 220, 232, 
233; and peace treaty, 239-240 

Little King, Choctaws, 195-196 

Little Lynches River, 145 

Little River, Broad, 148, 150, 23 5 n. 

Little River, Peedee, 91 

Little River, Saluda, 130, 131, 259 

Little River, Savannah, 133-134, 169, 
246 n., 253, 254, 259 

Little Saluda River, 215; and Cherokee 
path, 117-119; settlers on, 122, 130, 
131, 163, 165; road, 172; fort on, 
235 n.; warrants, 1761-1765, 259 

Little Stevens Creek, 256 

Livingston, William, 126 

Lloyd, John, Amelia, 51 

Loeff, Rev. John George, Congarees, 
155 n. 

Log Creek, Stevens Creek, 129, 256 

Logstown, Ohio River, 198 

London, 125, 151 

Londonborough Township, 127 n.; map, 
116; surveyed, 251; settled, 254-256 

Long Cane Creek, 124, 126-128, 133-135; 
Northwest Fork, 134; township on, 
251, 254; warrants, 1761-1765, 259 

Long Canes, 207; land purchase, 124, 
195; settled, 133-135; population, 160; 
roads, 171; fort, 212, 235 n.; mas- 
sacre, 222, 223 ; return of settlers, 
234; Creek attack upon, 245-246; 
British settlers in, 257 

Long Island, settlers from, 105 

Loocock, Aaron, Charleston, 104 

Lormier, Lewis, 52 

Loudoun, Lord, 215 

Love, James, Lynches, 177 

Lower Three Runs, Savannah, 73, 74 



Lowry, William, Williamsburg, 82-83 

Lutheran Church, Purrysburg, 40; Con- 
garees, 57, 64; Broad and Saluda, 155 

Lyles' ford. Broad, 149, 172 

Lynah, James, Wateree, 143 

Lynches River, 95, 97, 99, 108, 161; set- 
tlers from, 75, 259; settlement of upper 
waters of, 145-146; road, 171; books, 
177; warrants, 1761-1765, 258 

Lynches River Baptist Church, 145, 180 

Lyons, Joseph, Amelia, 43 

Lyons Creek, Amelia, 42, 101 

Lyttelton, Governor William Henry, ar- 
rival of, 211, 251 n. ; and Cherokee 
War, 213-221, 225-228, 233 

Mackay, James, captain Independent 

company, 208 n. 
Maddox, Benjamin, Waxhaws, 137—139 
Malatchi, Creek headman, 205 
Manigault, Gabriel, and silk industry, 

254 
Manufacturing, back country, 172-173 
Marion, Francis, provincial regiment, 

236 
Marion, James, 49 n., 167 n. 
Marriage laws. North and South Caro- 
lina, 180 n. 
Mars BluflF, Peedee, 90, 94; church at, 

96 
Martin. William, Amelia, 51 
Maryland, 206; settlers from, 137, 141, 

161 
Matthias (Matthews), John, Congarees, 

52, 54 
Maxwell, James, 119 n., 125, 191-192, 

194, 196, 197 
McAden, Rev. Hugh, 143-144 
McClellan, James, Williamsburg, 83 
McClelland, Archibald, Long Canes, 246 
McClenachan, Robert, Waxhaws, 139, 

140, 145 
McConnel, John, Wateree, 101 
McCord, John, Amelia, 50-51 
McCorkle, James, Waxhaws, 140, 143, 

173, 174 n. 
McCorkle, Robert, Waxhaws, 140, 143, 

165 n., 168 
McCree, Alexander, Williamsburg, 81 
McCree, Thomas, Williamsburg, 81 
McCrellas, James, 102, 103 
McCue, John, Stevens Creek, 126 n. 



284 



Index 



McCulIoh, Henry, speculation of in land, 
27 n. 

McCutchin, Hugh, 100 

McDaniel, Daniel, Peedee, 97 n. 

McDaniel, Daniel, Wateree, 101, 140 

McDaniel, Daniel, Waxhavvs, 140-142 

McDougal, John, Kingston, 88 

McGillivray, Archibald & Co., in west- 
ern Indian trade, 69, 190-191 

McGirt, James, Wateree, 102, 105, 109 

McGowen, James, 100 

McGraw, Edward, Congarees, 52 

McGraw, Solomon, Congarees, 52; 
Broad, 62, 148 

McGregor, Alexander, 49 n., 129, 165 n. 

Mcintosh, Lieutenant Lachlan, Fort 
Prince George, 233 n. 

McKay, Patrick, 187 

McKee, William, Lynches, 145 

McKelvy, James, 52 

McKennie, Benjamin, Wateree, 101 

McKerthlin, Joseph, Wateree, 105 

McMullen, William, New Windsor, 70 n. 

McNaire, Charles, Indian trader, 196- 
197 

McNutt, Alexander, 252 

McPherson, Thomas, Congarees, 52 

McQueen, John, Indian trade of, 68 n., 
193, 217 

Men-of-war, St. Augustine expedition, 
189 

Merchants, English, and Johnson's plan, 
19; opposition to duties on slaves, 22. 
See Charleston, merchants. 

Mercier (Haig, Webb), Elizabeth, Con- 
garees, 52, 58, 64 

Mercier, Lieutenant Peter, 64, 208 n. 

Michie, James, 42 n., 102 

Middle country, defined, 10; Indians of, 
12; attempts at better settlement of, 
27-28; maps of, 32, 78; township set- 
tlement of, 32-109, 113; differences 
between eastern and western town- 
ships, 33, 79; importance of Congaree 
settlement, 65 ; the southwest frontier, 
73, 75-76; church and representation, 
85; significance of Williamsburg, 85- 
86; boundary controversy, 95-96; suc- 
cess of Welsh Tract, 98; farmers and 
planters, 106, 109; population, 1759, 
160; origin of settlers, 160-161; cattle 
industry, 162; orchards, 166; illiter- 
acy, 177; relation to back country and 



tidewater, 181; industry and society, 
1759, 182-184; enlistments from, 227; 
relation to coast country, 242; war- 
rants, 1761-1765, 257-258; settlers 
from, 259; population, 1765, 260; sig- 
nificance, 1765, 261 

Middleton, Arthur, 9, 73 

Middleton, John, Lynches, 145 

Middleton, Colonel Thomas, provincial 
regiment, 236, 237, 238; duel with 
Grant, 239 

Migler, Daniel, Saluda, 131, 172 

Militia, 194, 200-201, 222; appointment 
of officers, 6, 7; Purrysburg, 35, 39; 
Orangeburg, 46; Edisto forks, 48; 
Amelia, 50; New Windsor, 72; south- 
west, 76; Williamsburg, 83, 85; Kings- 
ton, 87; Queensboro, 89; Peedee, 94- 
96; Wateree, 102, 103, 105; Black 
River, 108, 109; Saluda, 120, 131; 
Saxe Gotha, 122; Stevens Creek, 128- 
130; Waxhaws, 138, 139; Lynches, 
146; Broad, 156; South Carolina, 
160 n.; back country, 181; in Chero- 
kee War, 216-220, 224, 226-227; in 
Creek alarm, 246 

Mill Creek, Amelia, 44 

Mill Creek, Congaree. See Raifords 
Creek. 

Miller, Robert and Jean, Waxhaws, 144 

Millhouse, Robert, Wateree, 103-105, 
178 

Mills, Amelia, 44; Orangeburg, 46; 
Congarees, 52, 56, 61, 63; Peedee, 93; 
Wateree, 101, 104, 105; Stevens Creek, 
129; Saluda, 131; Long Canes, 135; 
Broad and Saluda, 137; Catawba, 
141, 143; Lynches, 146; middle and 
back country, 173 

Miln, Ensign Alexander, Fort Prince 
George, 224, 229, 233 n. 

Mines, Amelia, 44, 172; Cherokee silver 
mine, 119 n., 149 

Minnick, Christian, Edisto forks, 46, 
48-49, 119 n. 

Mint, Margaret, 156 n. 

Mississippi, 191, 198, 203, 205, 215 

Mitchell, William, Waxhaws, 140 

Mobberly, Clement, Broad, 235 n. 

Mobberly, Samuel, Broad, 235 n. 

Mobile, 14, 190 

Mohawks, 204, 237 

Monck, Thomas, 109 n. 



i 



■ 



Index 



285 



Moncks Corner, 200, 237 
Money, Thomas, Pennsylvania, 91 
Montaigut, Samuel, Purrysburg, 38 
Montgomery, Colonel Archibald, Chero- 
kee expedition of, 228-232, 237 
Moore, James, Waxhaws, 138 
Moore, William, Congarees, 52 
Moore, William, Waxhaws, 139 
Moravians, 171 n., 176 
Moragne, Pierre, Hillsborough, 252 n., 

253 
Morf, Hans Jacob, Congarees, 173 
Morgan, Abel, Pennsylvania, 91, 96 
Morris, William and Elinor, Long 

Canes, 134 
Morrison, Captain John, Amelia, 230 
Mote, Christian, Orangeburg, 46, 47 
Motte, Isaac, New Windsor, 70 
Moultrie, William, provincial regiment, 

236, 237 
Mountain Creek, Stevens Creek, 129 
Muddy Creek, Peedee, 93 
Mulkey, Rev. Philip, 64, 158 
Muller (Miller), John Ulric, Congarees, 

54 
Murphy, Hugh, Congarees, 52 
Murphy, Malachi, Welsh Tract, 90, 94, 

97 n. 
Murray, Dr. John, 90 n., 118 n., 127, 

130, 246 
Musical instruments, 176 
Myer, Frederick Nicholas, Londonbor- 

ough, 255 
Myrick, James, Congarees, 52, 63 n. 
Myrick, Richard, Congarees, 52, 55 

Naval stores, proposed for Saluda, 126 

Navel, Isaac, 90 n. 

Navigation, tidewater, 4, 10, 35, 79; 
middle country, 10; Edisto, 49; Con- 
garee, 54, 58, 63; Williamsburg, 84; 
Kingston, 86, 88; Peedee, 94, 98; 
Wateree, 99, 106-107, 170; piedmont, 
115, 163; middle country, 182-183 

Negroes, free or of uncertain status, 
Saluda, 122; upper Savannah, 128, 
133; in Cherokee country, 195, 229 

Neilson, John, 108 

Neilson, Matthew, St. Mark's, 109 

Neilson, Samuel, Black, 108 

Nelson, Joseph, Savannah, 128 

Nelson, Paschal, 38 n. 

Neufchatel, Switzerland, 34 



New Acquisition, the, 250 

New Bordeaux, Hillsborough, 252, 254 

New England, township system, 18, 20 

New Orleans, 190, 214 

New Windsor Township, 75, 76, 127, 
135, 178, 180 n.; effect of sickness in, 
26; map, 32; settlement, 66-72; 
Switzers in, 66-68; John Tobler, 68- 
69, 72; Indian trade, 69-70; Chicka- 
saws, 70-71; and Fort Moore, 70-72; 
Germans, 256 

New York, 62, 203, 225, 236; settlers 
from, 105 

Newberry, John, Welsh Tract, 93 

Newbury, William, Indian trader, 196 

Newcastle, Duke of, 39 

Nicholas Creek, Broad, 148 n. 

Nicholson, Governor Francis, and paper 
money issue, 8; and Virginia settle- 
ment plans, 18 

Nightingale, Thomas, 118 n. 

Ninety Six, 103, 116, 122, 123, 126, 169, 
172, 176, 207, 256; on Cherokee path, 
12, 118; and Indian trade, 15, 63, 192; 
survey at, 54; land purchase, 58, 123- 
125, 138, 147, 195; courthouse, 116; 
origin, 118; settlers, 119-120, 130; life, 
131, 162; roads, 171-172; books, 178; 
Glen's conference at, 193-194; Indian 
alarm, 122, 201; Fort, 219; warned 
of attack, 222; in Cherokee War, 227, 
228, 232; defense of, 233; Grant at, 
237, 238 n.; warrants, 1761-1765, 259 

Nixon, Edward, Broad, 235 n. 

Noble, Joseph, Stevens Creek, 129 

Noble, Mary (Calhoun), Long Canes, 
134, 246 

North Britain Tract, 108-109 

North Carolina, 120, 171 n., 260; popu- 
lation, 5n. ; landholdings, 5n. ; boun- 
dary, 95, 96, 142, 209; settlers from, 
102, 161; dispute over grants, 138— 
141; grants in South Carolina, 150; 
indigo, 167; butter from, 168; Chero- 
kee raids in, 217; and Cherokee War, 
219 n., 223, 225; and Indian Congress, 
245; boundary dispute with, 247-249; 
survey of boundary, 248-250 

Notchees, 61 n. ; at Congarees, 52, 61 n. ; 
at Four Holes, 200 

Nottawegas, 200, 203 

Nuquassee, Cherokee town, 224 



286 



Index 



Oats, Wateree, 106; back country, 166 

Oconee, Cherokees, 200, 202, 203 

Oconee Creek, Keowee, 230 

Oconee Mountain, 230 

Oglethorpe, James, 186-189, 193, 204 

Oglethorpe, John N., 101 n., 176 n. 

Ohio Company, the, 208 

Ohio River, 198, 205, 206; Indians, 198- 
199, 208 

"Old Hop." See Connocortee. 

Olives, proposed for Saluda, 126 

Orange, France, 38 

Orangeburg Township, 58, 83, 101, 176, 
182, 234 n.; map, 32; settlement, 44- 
48, 51; Germans in, 154, 256; demand 
for representation, 183; Cherokee War 
forts, 223, 234-23 5; in Cherokee War, 
227 

Orchards, in middle and back country, 
50, 166 

Orr, Robert, 79 

Ortham, Thomas, Saluda, 177-178 

Oswald, Richard, 126 n. 

Oswald, Robert, 75 

Otterson, James, Broad, 235 n. 

Overseers, 74, 83, 89, 127, 128 

Owen, Thomas, Broad, 148, 157 

Ox Creek. See Lyons Creek. 

Oxen, middle country, 168 n. 

Pacolet River, Broad, 258 

Padgetts Creek, 150 n., 153, 157 

Paget, Peter, St. Thomas' Parish, 37 n. 

Palatines, proposed as settlers, 18; im- 
ported, 151, 153 

Pallachuccolas, garrison at, 10, 11 n.; 
Creeks at, 12; and frontier defense, 
16, 73, 188; map, 32; Purrysburg 
placed near, 34; garrison abolished, 
35 

Parmeter, Philemon, 117 n. 

Parsons, James, 260 

Paths, to Fort Moore, 10 n.; to Cataw- 
bas, 12, 99, 136, 140, 144, 169, 171; 
to Creeks, 66; to northern colonies, 
99; Wateree, 107; Catawba-Cherokee, 
124, 172; Broad, 150 n.; back country, 
170-172; Catawba-Savannah Town, 
172. See also Cherokee path. 

Patricks Creek. See Jacksons Creek. 

Patton, Arthur, Long Canes, 134, 135 n., 
246 

Pavey, Joseph, Congarees, 52 



Pawley, George, 58, 125 n., 194-195, 198 

Pearson, John, Congarees, 52, 60, 65, 
174, 175, 179, 223; surveyor, 60, 62, 65, 
102, 163; Baptist Church, 65, 157- 
158; Broad River, 156-158; frontier 
defense, 201, 227, 235 n.; Fort Lou- 
doun, 210, 213 

Pearson, John, Jr., Congarees, 157 

Pearson, Mary (Raiford), 60 

Pearson, Philip, Congarees, 157, 158 n. 

Peas, 252; Congarees, 56; Wateree, 
106; back country, 166 

Peedee Indians, 12, 93; join Catawbas, 
13 

Peedee River, 261; township proposed, 
20; settlement, 89-98 {see Welsh 
Tract) ; settlers from, 145; road, 171; 
navigation, 182; demand of settlers 
for courts, 183; and boundary dispute, 
249; warrants on, 1761-1765, 257 

Pelot, Rev. Francis, Purrysburg, 39 

Pendarvis, Brand, Edisto forks, 49 n. 

Pendarvis, James, 49 n. 

Pennington, Abraham, Broad, 150 

Pennington, Isaac, Broad, 156, 172, 173 

Pennington, Jacob, Broad, 128, 149 n., 
150, 235 n. 

Pennington, Mary, Broad, 157 

Pennsylvania, 115, 118, 154, 171 n., 198, 
206; immigration to, 18, 151; settlers 
from, 89-92, 95, 97, 100, 102, 105, 109, 
119, 120, 130, 134 n., 136, 148, 150, 
157, 161; settlers from 1761-1765, 259 

Pensacola, 247 

Pepper, Daniel, commander Fort Moore, 
71-72, 174 

Pettinger, John, Congarees, 52 

Philadelphia, 47, 62, 97, 104, 136, 149, 
215 

Physicians, Purrysburg, 38, 39; New 
Windsor, 68; Charleston, 123; back 
country, 180 n. 

Pickens, Andrew, Savannah, 259 

Pickens, Andrew, Waxhaws, 138-141, 
143 

Pickens, John, Virginia, 124; Waxhaws, 
138, 139; Lynches, 145-146; Savan- 
nah, 259 

Piedmont, Italy, immigrants from, 36, 
37 

Pinckney, William, 69 n., 70 n.; Com- 
missioner Indian trade, 193 n. 

Pine barrens, 9, 36, 82, 87, 114 



I 



Index 



287 



Pine belts, upper and lower, 2-3 ; 
description of, 9 

Pinetree Creek, 99, 100, 104, 107 

Pinetree Hill, Wateree, 107, 137, 143, 
171, 176; settlement, 101, 104; Quak- 
ers, 105; Kershaw store, 106; wheat 
from, 166-167; in Cherokee War, 227, 
228, 234 

Pinson, Isaac, Wateree, 136 

Pinson, Thomas, Catawba, 141, 143 

Pitt, William, 215 

Pittman, John, Congarees, 65 n. 

Plantations, size of, 4—5; indentured 
servants on, 27-28; Purrysburg, 38- 
40; Amelia, 50; southwest, 73, 74; 
Peedee, 89-90; Wateree, 106; Saluda, 
127, 133; Santee, 137; Waxhaws, 140 

Planters, interests of, 6 ; in Commons, 
6, 16; desire for slaves, 24; Orange- 
burg, 45; Amelia, 50-51; Congarees, 
62; encroachments in Williamsburg, 
81, in Kingston, 86-87; on Santee, 
109; back country, 181; middle coun- 
try, 182-183; and settlement policy, 
260 

Population, white, 6; Purrysburg, 39; 
Orangeburg, 46; Edisto forks, 49; 
Amelia, 50; Saxe Gotha, 56, 61; 
Congarees, 61; New Windsor, 67, 72; 
southwest, 76; Williamsburg, 80, 85; 
Kingston, 87; Welsh Tract, 92; Pee- 
dee, 94; Wateree, 103, 105 ; St. Mark's, 
108; Saluda, 125, 130, 131; Stevens 
Creek, 129-130; Long Canes, 135; Ca- 
tawba, 141; Waxhaws, 142; Lynches, 
146; South Carolina, 1759, 160; mid- 
dle and back country, 1765, 259-260 

Porcher, Isaac, 52 

Port Royal, garrison at, 10; runaway 
slaves from, 26; Fort Frederick, 188 

Potatoes, 252; Congarees, 56; Saluda, 
120; back country, 166 

Pou, Gavin, Edisto forks, 48-49 

Pouag, John, Charleston, 250, 251 

Poultry, Saluda, 122; of immigrants, 
163; back country, 175 

Power, Andreas, Broad, 153 

Powmin, Barbara, 152 

Pownall, Thomas, appointed governor, 
228 

Poyas, John Lewis, Purrysburg, 37 

Preacher, Conrad, Salkehatchie, 76 n. 

Presbyterian Church, 47, 251; Cainhoy, 



79; Williamsburg, 84-85; Salem, 108; 
Jeffreys Creek, 108; proposed for 
High Hills, 109; Waxhaws, 143-144 

Priber, Christian Gottlieb, Amelia, 43 ; 
Cherokee country, 43 

Price, Aaron, Cherokee trader, 222, 225, 
250 n. 

Price, James, Welsh Tract, 92 n. 

Prince Frederick's Parish, 85, 107, 145; 
Church, 90, 97-98 

Prince George's Parish, 194 

Prince William's Parish, 41 n. 

Pringle, James, 79 

Pringle, Robert, 84 

Proclamation money, 9 n. 

Proprietors, Lords, 3, 5, 7, 11, 17; en- 
couragement for settlers, 17, 34; land 
titles under grants of, 21-22 

Provincial troops, 130, 189; in Cherokee 
War, 213, 215, 217, 226, 228, 230-231, 
236, 238, 241. See also Rangers. 

Puckett, Timothy, Wateree, 102; Ste- 
vens Creek, 129 n. 

Pugh, Rev. Evan, Welsh Tract, 97 

Puhl, Philip, Congarees, 52, 57 

Pumpkins, 252; Purrysburg, 38; back 
country, 166 

Purry, Charles, Purrysburg, 36, 38; 
Beaufort, 38 

Purry, Jean Pierre, 89; settlement plans, 
18, 34; death of, 36; petition of, 40; 
land of, 73 

Purrysburg Township, 75, 160, 169, 173; 
discontent of settlers, 26; map, 32; 
settlement, 33-41; Swiss settlers, 33- 
36; hardships, 36, 41; silk industry, 
37; slaves, 39; St. Peter's Parish, 40; 
and southwest defense, 42; settler 
from, 46; Germans in, 154; and An- 
glican Church, 183 n.; later arrivals 
at, 252, 254; warrants, 1761-1765, 257 



Quakers, Wateree, 103-105 

Quit rents, 5, 164; instructions on, 19 
1731 act for collection of, 21-22; ex- 
emptions from, 30 n., 34, 100, 151, 152 
appropriated for Hillsborough, 254 

Queensboro Township, 91, 92; map, 78 
settlement, 89; church, 96 

Radcliffe, Charles, Wateree, 100-101 
Rae, David, 251 



288 



Index 



Rae, Fev. John, Williamsburg, 84-85, 
251 

Raeburns Creek, 112, 223, 236 n. 

Raiford, Isaac, Congarees, 65 

Raiford, Mary, Congarees, 60 

Raiford, Philip, Jr., Broad, 62, 148 n., 
157, 235 n. 

Raiford, Philip, Sr., Congarees, 52, 60 

Raifords Creek, 92, 147, 148, 157, 158, 
171 ; settlement of, 52, 59-63 

Ralgebin, Rosina Barbara, 152 

Ramsay, Robert, Waxhaws, 138, 140, 
141, 144 

Rangers, 64, 73, 100, 119, 123, 125, 181, 
188, 202, 206, 209; Indian, 119; in 
Cherokee War, 218, 224-228, 233, 236, 
244 n.; on Montgomery's expedition, 
228-231; on Grant's expedition, 237- 
238 

Rattray, Alexander, Wateree, 100, 103 

Ravenel, Henry, 108 n. 

Red Shoes, Choctaw headman, 195- 
196 

Reed, John, Saluda, 119, 130 

Reedy River, 130, 249, 250 n., 259 

Rees, Daniel, Broad River, 148, 172 

Rees, Evan, Congarees, 52, 60 n. ; Broad, 
157 

Reformed Church, in Purrysburg, 40; 
Congarees, 57, 64; Broad and Saluda, 
155 

Regulators, 176 

Reimensperger. See Riemensperger. 

Rentfro, Peter, Broad, 148 n. 

Revolution of 1719, 3, 17, 18 

Rhine River, 152 

Rhod, J. J., Congarees, 52 

Rice, John, Charleston, 84 

Rice, transportation of, 10 n.; industry 
expands, 24, 168, 260; depression in, 
27; Purrysburg, 38; Orangeburg, 46; 
Congarees, 52, 59; machine for clean- 
ing, 68; southwest, 73-75; Williams- 
burg, 82; Wateree, 109; middle coun- 
try, 182 

Richard, James, Purrysburg, 35, 38 

Richardson, Edward, 103 n., 137 

Richardson, Mary (Cantey), Santee, 109 

Richardson, Richard, Santee, 109, 227, 
228 

Richardson, Rev. William, Waxhaws, 
144 

Ridgeway, William, Kingston, 87 



Riemensperger, John Jacob, Congarees, 

52, 55, 57, 150, 151, 178 
Rifles, 106, 122, 169, 230 
Riordan, Timothy, Saluda, 130 
Riots and lawlessness, Welsh Tract, 95 ; 
Rocky River, Peedee, 96 ; Wateree, 
107; Waxhaws, 137-140; northwest 
frontier, 177; Peedee, 249. See also 
Crime. 
Ritenour, William, Saluda, 172 
Roads, petition for, Purrysburg, 40^1 ; 
Edisto forks, 49; Congarees, 52, 117; 
southwest, 76 n.; Wateree, 106-107, 
109; piedmont, 115; Long Canes, 135; 
Waxhaws, 140, 143 ; back country, 
170-172; middle country, 183 
Roberts, John, 73 n. 
Robertson, Joseph, Orangeburg, 45 
Roche, Francis, 196 
Roche, Jordan, 196 
Roche, Matthew, 196-197 
Rocky Bluff Swamp, Black River, 108 
Rocky Creek, Catawba, 103 n., 105 n., 

138, 141-143, 258 
Rocky Creek, Stevens Creek, 129 
Rocky River, Peedee, 94-96, 175 
Rocky River, Savannah, 259 
Rogers, James, Welsh Tract, 92 
Rogers, John, Congarees, 52 
Rogers, Robert, Amelia, 44 
Rork, Bryan, Wateree, 101 
Ross, Isaac, 161 n. 
Roth, Peter, Orangeburg, 46 
Rotterdam, 45, 67, 151 
"Round O," Cherokee headman, 217 
Rowan, Matthew, North Carolina, 139 
Rowe, Michael Christopher, Orange- 
burg, 149 n. 
Rowell, Jeremiah, Welsh Tract, 91, 97 
Rowell, Mary, Welsh Tract, 91 
Russell, Charles, Amelia, 42, 43, 46, 50 
Russell, Charles, Jr., captain of rangers, 

227 
Russell, George, Wateree, 109 
Russell, Joseph, Edisto Forks, 49 
Russell, Mary, Amelia, 43-44, 51 
Russell, Samuel, Wateree, 103 
Rutherford, Griffith, North Carolina, 139 
Rutledge, Andrew, 81 
Rye, Wateree, 106; Waxhaws, 142; back 
country, 166; Congarees, 173 



i 



Index 



289 



Sabb, Thomas, Amelia, 51 

Sabb, William, Amelia, 51 n. 

St. Augustine, 188-189 

St. Bartholomew's Parish, 72 

St. David's Parish, 97, 183 

St. Gall, Switzerland, 55 

St. Helena Indians, 12 

St. James Goose Creek, 51 

St. John, Audeon, Congarees, 170 

St. John, Surveyor-General James, and 
township fees, 22-24 

St. John's Church, Broad, 155 

St. John's Parish, 43 

St. Luke's Parish, 41 n. 

St. Mark's Parish, 85, 97, 183, 227; set- 
tlement, 107-109; established, 109; 
warrants, 1761-1765, 257 

St. Matthew's Parish, 32, 51, 183 

St. Peter's Parish, 40 

St. Philip's Parish, 123, 153; landhold- 
ings of, 5 

Salem Presbyterian Church, 108 

Salisbury road, 250 

Salkehatchie River, 234 n.; settlement of 
forks of, 73-76, 154; fort on, 223, 234; 
warrants, 1761-1765, 258 

Salt, 168, 169 

Saluda Old Town, 2, 64; origin, 118; 
hunters, 119-120, 162; settlement, 119- 
120, 123, 125, 133; Cherokee confer- 
ence, 130; mill, 131 

Saluda River, 152, 210; early plats and 
settlers, 54-57, 62, 147; Indian alarms, 
103, 201; settlement, 117-127, 130-133 
(see Ninety Six, Saluda Old Town) ; 
Weber frenzy, 155; militia, 156 n.; 
population, 160; indigo, 167; roads, 
171, 172; Cherokee attack, 224; war- 
rants, 1761-1765, 259 

Salvador, Francis, London, 126 

Salvador, Joseph, London, 127 

Salzburg, immigrants from, 36 

Samsons Fork, Saluda, 131 

Sand Hills, 2-3, 170; description of, 9- 
10; Amelia, 44; Congaree, S3; Pee- 
dee, 92; Wateree, 99, 101, 107, 113, 
114; Lynches, 145 

Sanders, Peter, 129 n. 

Sandriker, John, Congarees, 52 

Sandy River, 112, 156; warrants, 1761- 
1765, 258 

Sandy Run, Congaree, 44; Church, 57 

Sarancy, Samuel, Welsh Tract, 91, 94 



Satur, Jacob, 52 

Savage, John, 161 n. 

Savannah, Georgia, 38, 41, 47 n.; and 
Indian trade, 188, 247 

Savannah, New, 71, 204, 228 

Savannah Indians (Shawnees), leave 
Carolina, 10 n.; murders by, 122; 
among Cherokees, 195, 198-200, 203, 
204, 216; raids by, 202 n., 209 

Savannah River, 73, 121, 122, 261; pro- 
posed settlement, 18, 20; settlement of 
lower, 73-75 ; settlement of upper wa- 
ters, 125-130, 133-135, 154 (see Long 
Canes, Stevens Creek) ; paths, 171- 
172; navigation, 182; settlements at- 
tacked, 223; defense of, 233; fort on, 
235 n.; warrants, 1761-1765, 257-259 

Savannah Town (at Fort Moore), 10, 
133, 170, 222; Indian trade, 15, 66, 
72, 128 

Sawmills, saws and lumber, Orange- 
burg, 46; Congarees, 57, 63; Wateree, 
104-105; Broad and Saluda, 137; 
Waxhaws, 143; back country, 165, 173 

Sawneys Creek, Wateree, 99, 104, 136 

Saxe Gotha Township, 122, 147, 151, 
177, 178; map, 32; town, 52; settle- 
ment, 52-65; name, 53 n.; description, 
53; Swiss settlers in, 54—56; church 
and industry, 56-57, 63-65; Brown 
and Haig, 57-58. See also Congarees. 

Saxony, 43 

Scalps, and rewards for, 190, 195, 209, 
215, 224, 226, 228, 229 

Scheider, Daniel, Saxe Gotha, 122 

Schneiss, Conrad, Congarees, 52 

Schoolhouse Branches, Broad River, 157; 
Black River, 157 n. 

Schools and schoolmasters, proposed for 
townships, 19; Purrysburg, 39; New 
Windsor, 72; Charleston, 83, 144; 
Broad, 155, 157; Congarees, 157; lack 
of in back country, 179. See also Edu- 
cation. 

Scioto River, Ohio, 198 

Scotch, Highland, 89 n. 

Scotch-Irish settlers, in Williamsburg 
and Kingston, 79-88, 100; immigra- 
tion of, 81-82; importance of, 86; in 
North Carolina, 95; encouragement 
for, 109; in 1759, 160-161 

Scotland, ministers from, 85, 144; set- 



290 



Index 



tiers expected from, lOS-109; servants 
from, 174 

Scott, James, Saluda, 147, 171 

Scott, John, Savannah, 128-130 

Scott, John, Wateree, 102 

Scott, William, Wateree, 102-103 

Scout boat, southwest, 188 

Seawright, Robert, 100 n. 

Seawright, William, Amelia, 100 n., 183 

Second Creek, Broad, 153, 156 

Secretary of State, 205 

Selwyn, John, London, 59 n, 

Seneca Indians, 100, 199 

Servants, indentured, for defense against 
slaves, 17-18, 27; encouragement for, 
20; Purrysburg, 38, 39; Amelia, 43; 
Orangeburg, 45; Congarees, 63; Che- 
ravps, 95; Wateree, 103, 136; Saluda, 
125, 130; Lynches, 145; Broad, 149; 
German, 151, 155; in advertisements, 
161 n.; back country, 173-174; pro- 
tection of, 180; importation of, 256 

Settico, Cherokee town, 212, 217 

Settlement fund, origin, 21 ; deficit, 25- 
26, 54, 152; appropriation to, 29; 
amount of, 30, 243 

Settlement Indians, 12, 73, 74, 79-80, 
195. See also Cape Fear, Cussoe, St. 
Helena, and Winyaw Indians. 

Settlement policy. Proprietary period, 5, 
17 ; origin of new, 6, 9 ; encouragement 
for debtors, 11; revision of, 25-30; 
provincial mistakes in, 26; encourage- 
ment for servants, 27; for developing 
villages, 28; encouragement for dis- 
charged soldiers, 27 n.; discourage- 
ment of German immigration, 29; 
new encouragement for settlers, 29- 
30, 103; purchases of land for, 123— 
125; after Cherokee War, 242-243; 
defects of, 244, 256-257; results of, 
257, 260 

Settlement projects, Purry's, 34; Cart- 
wright and Selwyn, 59 n.; on Savan- 
nah River, 75; North Carolina, 95; 
High Hills of Santee, 108 ; Ninety Six, 
123-127 

Shanks Creek, Wateree, 109 

Shawnees. See Savannah Indians. 

Sheely, John, Broad, 156 n. 

Sheep, Congarees, 60 n.; New Windsor, 
70; back country, 173, 175 

Shillig, John, Congarees, 55 n. 



Ship building, bounty for, 29 n., 152 

Shire, Conrad, Broad, 156 n. 

Shleppy, John George, Congarees, 52 

Silk, bounty for, 29, 37; proposed for 
Purrysburg, 34, for Saluda, 126, for 
Hillsborough, 253, 254; industry in 
Purrysburg, 37, 254; Silk Hope, 254 

Silver and jewelry, Congarees, 58, 59 

Silver Bluff, 10, 32, 67, 69, 70, 73, 235 n. 

Simmons, John, 49 n. 

Simpson, Thomas, Waxhaws, 137, 138 n., 
142 

Simpson, William, 118 n., 127 

Simpson, William, Practical Justice of 
the Peace, 253 n., 255 

Sims Creek, Wateree, 101 

Singleton, Richard, Wateree, 101-102 

Singletons Creek, Wateree, 143 

Sinking fund, 8, 19, 21, 28 n. See also 
Settlement fund. 

Slaves, 126, 167; number, 3; need for, 
4; increase, 5; danger of insurrection, 
6, 22, 185 n., 188-189, 226; runaway, 
8, 13, 243 n.; in cattle industry, 12; 
indentured servants for defense 
against, 17-18; prohibited in Georgia, 
20; duties on, 21-22, 241-242; imports 
of, 24, 241, 243 ; importation pro- 
hibited, 27-28, 243 ; Purrysburg, 38- 
39; Amelia, 43, 44, 50; Orangeburg, 
45, 225; Edisto forks, 49; Congarees, 
56, 58-61, 63, 64 n.; New Windsor, 69; 
Indian, 70; southwest, 73, 75; north- 
east, 79; Williamsburg, 83-85; Kings- 
ton, 87-88; Peedee, 94, 96; Wateree, 
100-102, 104-106, 109, 136, 137; taxes 
on, 124; Saluda, 125, 127, 130, 131, 
133; Savannah, 128; Stevens Creek, 
129; in Cherokees, 132, 192; Wax- 
haws, 137, 140, 142, 144; Lynches, 
145-146; Broad, 148, 150 n., 156; 
South Carolina, 160; back country, 
161, 165; imports of, 161 n., 173, 177; 
middle country, 182; deaths from 
smallpox, 220; in Grant's expedition, 
237; in back country, 1765, 260. See 
also Stono insurrection. 

Sleepy Creek, Stevens Creek, 256 

Smallpox epidemics, 1738, 26; 1759- 
1760, 220, 223 n., 224, 226, 229 n. 

Smart, Henry, Coosawhatchie, 75 

Smart, Rev. James, Coosawhatchie, 75; 
Lynches, 145 



i 



I 



Index 



291 



Smith, Rev. Michael, Prince Frederick's, 
97 

Smith, William, Wateree, 105 

Smithpeter, John George, Saluda, 155 

Snell, Henry, Orangeburg, 46 

Snelling, Henry, Congarees, 52 

Society, classes of, Purrysburg, 38; 
groups in Amelia and Orangeburg, 
48, in New Windsor, 68; Wateree, 
100; Saluda, 120; Waxhaws, 140; 
tidewater and back country compared, 
161-162; middle country, 175; back 
country, 178, 179; significance of 
churches in social organization, 179- 
180; significance of back country, 181- 
182; make-up of middle country, 183 

Society for Propagation of the Gospel 
in Foreign Parts, 40, 72 

Soil, tidewater, 4; middle country, 9 
Amelia and Orangeburg, 42, 45, 48 
Congarees, 53, 59; New Windsor, 66 
southwest, 73, 74; Williamsburg, 80 
Kingston, 86; Peedee, 92; Wateree 
99, 101, 136; St. Mark's, 107, 108 
piedmont, 114; Saluda, 118; Savan- 
nah, 127-129; Long Canes, 133; Wax- 
haws, 137; Broad, 147, 148, 151, 153- 
154; Dutch Fork, 154; choice of by 
immigrants, 163; Hillsborough, 253 

South Carolina, in 1729, 2-16; geo- 
graphical sections, 2-4; population, 3, 
160; compactness of, 6; local govern- 
ment, 6; exports, 6, 24, 167-168; 
Yamasee War, 10; Indian trade, 15; 
proposals for defense, 18, 20; funda- 
mental problem of, 30; disadvantages 
for settlement, 33; boundary and the 
plantation influence, 250; results of 
settlement, 260-261. See also Tide- 
water, Middle country. Back country. 

South Carolina almanac, 68-69 

South Carolina Gazette in middle and 
back country, 179 n. 

Southern (Indian) Congress, 245 

Sower, Christopher, 69 n. 

Spanish, danger from, 6, 8, 22, 185 n.; 
and Indians, 15, 16; encroachments 
on, 20; war with, 26; encouragement 
to runaway slaves, 26; attack upon 
and counter-attack, 188-189; decline 
of influence, 191 

Spencer, Richard, Congarees, 52; Broad, 
148 



Springs and wells, 163 

Spuhl (Spear), Jacob, Congarees, 52, 54 

Squatters, 119, 125, 141, 142, 164 n., 246, 

260 
Squirrel King, Chickasaw headman, 71 
Stack, Anthony, 52 
Stainor, Hans, Congarees, 52 
Standing Turkey. See Cunnicatoka. 
Starratt, George, Kingston, 87 
Steill, Robert, Congarees, 52, 63, 142 n., 

147, 170 
Sterling, George, Amelia, 43 
Sterling, William, 118 n. 
Stevens, John, Stevens Creek, 117 
Stevens Creek, 102, 126, 133, 163, 171, 

176, 251 n.; name, 117; settlement, 

127-130; store on, 169; roads, 171; in 

Cherokee War, 222, 235 n.; fort for, 

246; Germans, 255-256; warrants, 

1761-1765, 259 
Stitsmith, Thomas, 52 
Stolea, Hannah Maria, Congarees, 52 
Stono insurrection, 12, 26, 27 
Stony Run, Black, 108 
Strain, Adam, 100 
Stratham, Rowland, 42 n. 
Strawberry, on Cherokee trade route, 11 
Strother, William, Congarees, 63 n. 
Struck, John, Congarees, 55 n. 
Stuart, Captain John, Fort Loudoun, 

218, 232-233; Superintendent Indian 

Affairs, 245 
Stuart, Robert, Lynches, 145 
Stubbs, John, Wateree, 136 
Studders, William, Creek trader, 191 
Sturzenegger, Dr. John Jacob, New 

Windsor, 68, 180 n. 
Sugar Town, Cherokees, 229 
Summerford, Jeffrey, Wateree, 100 
Summers, Adam, Broad, 156 n. 
Surveyor-General, 164. See also St. 

John, James; Hunter, George. 
Surveyors, deputy, 25, 52, 58, 60-62, 104, 

128, 139, 163, 194 
Swift Creek, Wateree, 100, 104 
Switzers, proposed as settlers, 18, 100, 

151; Purrysburg, 33-41; Orangeburg, 

45-47; Saxe Gotha, 54-56, 61, 65; 

New Windsor, 66-69, 72; compared 

with other Germans, 153; Broad, 154; 

Saluda, 155; assimilation of, 183 



292 



Index 



Tassantee, Cherokee town, 230 

Taverns. See Inns. 

Taxes, provincial, 5, 7, 21, 164; exemp- 
tion from, 30 n., 152, 243; back coun- 
try, 181 n. 

Taylor, John, Broad, 148 

Taylor, John, Congarees, 52, 61 

Taylor, Michael, Saluda, 123-124, 147 

Taylor, Peter, 100 n. 

Tellico, Cherokee town, 212, 214, 217 

Tellico River, Tennessee, 212, 213-214 

Tennant, Rev. William, 165 

Tennessee, Little, 212, 213, 230, 231, 238 

Tennessee River, 205, 214-216 

Terrapin Creek, Saluda, 118, 125 

Terrel, William, Welsh Tract, 92 

Theiler, John, Congarees, 52 

Theus, Rev. Christian, Congarees, 57, 64 

Theus, Jeremiah, Charleston, 57 

Thicketty Creek, Broad, 258 

Thomas, Steven and Mary, Hills- 
borough, 254 

Thompson, John, Jr., Prince Frederick's, 
90, 93, 95 n. 

Thompsons Creek, Peedee, 94 n., 95 n. 

Thomson, Moses, Amelia, 50-51 

Thomson, William, Amelia, 50-51; 
Major of rangers, 234, 238 

Three Runs. See Upper Three Runs. 

Tidewater, 4, 166; landholdings in, 5, 
24; immigration, 24; settlers from, 43, 
93, 105, 109, 161; expansion, 113; 
population, 160; connections with back 
country, 181-182; warrants, 1761- 
1765, 257 

Timothy, Peter, printer, 239 

Tistoe, Cherokee headman, 219, 220, 229 

Tobacco, Saluda, 120, 122; back country, 
176 

Tobler, John, New Windsor, 55, 100, 
176-179; account of, 67; store, 68, 
170; almanac, 68-69; death and estate 
of, 69, 72, 183; fort of, 223, 235 n. 

Tobler, John, Jr., New Windsor, 68, 72, 
179 

Tobler, Ulric, New Windsor, 68, 129, 
223 

Tobler, William, New Windsor, 68, 71 

Todd, John, Wateree, 102 

Toggenburg, Switzerland, 55 

Tomlinson, Josiah, Wateree, 103 

Tomotley, Cherokee town, 202, 212, 213 

Tool, Matthew, Catawba trader, 142 



Tools and implements, for bounty 
settlers, 28 n., 34; Congarees, 56, 57 n., 
60 n.; Waxhaws, 143; of immigrants, 
162; back country, 165-166, 169, 172 

Torrans, John, Charleston, 251 

Towns, plans to encourage, 11, 28; in 
Purrysburg, 36, 38, 41; Amelia, 42; 
Orangeburg, 44, 47; Saxe Gotha, 52, 
53; Williamsburg, 80, 84; Kingston, 
86-88; Queensboro, 89; Fredericks- 
burg, 99; in new townships, 252-253, 
255 

Townships, 119; Johnson's plan for, 
17-21, 24-25; surveying of, 22-23; 
development of, 25; non-resident 
grants in, 26; western, 32-76; en- 
croachments on, 36, 80, 81 ; eastern, 
78-109; new townships surveyed, 
250-253 

Trade and stores, Purrysburg, 38; 
Orangeburg, 47; Congarees, 56, 63; 
New Windsor, 68-71; Williamsburg, 
84; Cheraws, 94-95; Wateree, 104, 
136; Ninety Six, 132; Catawba, 143; 
back and middle country, 169-170 

Transportation, back country problem 
of, 169-172; middle country, 182-183. 
See Navigation, Paths, Roads, Wag- 
ons. 

Troops, British, in Georgia, 189, 199, 
204; Cherokee expeditions of, 228-232, 
237-238. See also Independent Com- 
panies. 

Truan, Jacob, Purrysburg, 38 

Tryon, Governor William, North Caro- 
lina, and boundary, 249-250 

Tryon Mountain, 249 

Tucker, Dr. William, Congarees, 180 n. 

Tugaloo, Cherokee town, 121 

Turk, James, Saluda, 125 

Turk, John, Saluda, 119, 123-125, 130, 
133, 195 

Turk, Thomas, Saluda, 123-124, 195 

Turkey Creek, Black, 108 

Turkey Creek, Broad, 258 

Turkey Creek, Stevens Creek, 129, 135, 
256 

Turkeycock Creek, Broad, 148 n. 

Turner, William, Saluda, 120 n., 130, 
133, 222, 235 n. 

Turnips, Purrysburg, 38; Waxhaws, 
139, 142; back country, 166 

Tuscarora Indians, 12 



! 



Index 



293 



Twelve Mile Creek, Catawba, 235 n. 
Twelve Mile Creek, Keowee, 229 
Twelve Mile Creek, Saluda, 55, 131, 147 
Twenty-five Mile Creek, Wateree, 176 
Tyger River, 158; settlement, 148-150, 
156; roads, 172; in Cherokee War, 
234; warrants, 1761-1765, 258 
Tyler, John, Wateree, 101 n. 

Uchee Indians, on Savannah, 12, 73-74, 

128, 188, 200, 201 n. 
Uchee Island, Savannah, 127-128 
Ulmer, Henry, Salkehatchie, 76 n. 
Upper Three Runs (Steel Creek), 11, 32, 

70, 74, 75 

Vagrants, to be enlisted, 216 

Vann, John, Saluda, 121-122, 196; 

Savannah, 246 n. 
Varnido, Leonard, Edisto forks, 49 n. 
Vaughan, Evan, Welsh Tract, 91 
Vaughan, Robert, New Windsor, 71 
Verdity, Elizabeth, 52 
Vernezobre, Daniel, London, 38 
Virginia, 103, 172, 206, 214, 232-233; 
and Indian trade, 11, 14, 202, 208, 
219 n.; and frontier settlement, 18; 
settlers from, 45, 61, 93, 94, 97, 105, 
109, 119, 120, 123-125, 128, 130, 131, 
133-134, 136, 138-141, 145, 147, 148, 
161, 177; and frontier defense, 208; 
Cherokee depredations in, 216, 220; 
and Cherokee War, 218, 225, 237 n., 
239; and Indian Congress, 245; 
settlers from 1761-1765, 259 
Volk, Conrade, Broad, 156 n. 

Wabash River, 205 

Waccamaw Indians, 12 

Waccamaw River, 94; township pro- 
posed, 20; in boundary dispute, 247- 
248. See Kingston. 

Wade, Thomas, Lynches, 169, 170 n. 

Waggener, John, Broad, 235 n. 

Wagons and carts, Congarees, 55, 56, 
63 ; Catawba, 143 ; of immigrants, 
162-163; back country, 170-171; Cher- 
okee War, 219, 228, 234 

Wales, proposed immigration from, 92 

Walker, Philip, Waxhaws, 138, 140 

Wallace, Richard, Stevens Creek, 129 

Wallexellson, Thomas, Congarees, 52, 
60, 61 



War Woman Creek, Chattooga, 230, 
231 

Ward, John, 60 n. 

Wateree Creek, Broad, 148, 151, 153- 
156, 171 

Wateree Creek, Wateree, 112, 136, 141, 
235 n. 

Wateree Indians, 59 n., 101; absorbed 
by Catawbas, 13, 99 

Wateree River, 147, 163, 170, 175, 178, 
227; township proposed, 20; settle- 
ment, west side, 102-103, 105; origin 
of settlers, 105-106; wheat, 106, 166; 
land riots, 107; settlement of upper 
Wateree, 136-137; Germans on, 154; 
population, 160; road, 171; warrants, 
1761-1765, 257, 258. See also Fred- 
ericksburg. 

Waters, Richard, 168 n. 

Waxhaw Church, 143-144, 172, 180 

Waxhaw Creek, Catawba, 137-139 

Waxhaw Indians, 137 

Waxhaws (section), 107, 134, 145, 161; 
settlement, 136-145, 180 n. {see Ca- 
tawba River) ; settlers from, 259 

Wealth and inequality in back country, 
163, 169, 181 

Webb, David, Congarees, 64 n. 

Webb, Elizabeth (Mercier), 64 n. 

Weber, Jacob and Hannah, Saluda, 155 

Weekly, Thomas, Amelia, 43 

Weiser, Conrad, Pennsylvania Indian 
agent, 59 

Wells, John George, Broad, 153 

Wells, Robert, printer, 239 

Welsh, on Peedee, 90-98; language, 96; 
population, 160; in South Carolina, 
162 

Welsh Neck, 78, 92, 93. See Welsh 
Tract. 

Welsh Neck Baptist Church, 75, 96, 145 

Welsh Tract, 78, 143, 161, 194; settlers 
from, 74-75, 145; settlement, 90-98, 
140; Welsh reservation and migra- 
tion, 90-92; Welsh Neck, 93; Peedee 
trade and industry, 93-94; churches, 
96-97 

West Indies, 161 n. 

Whaley, William, 161 n. 

Wheat, bounty, 29; Amelia, 44; Or- 
angeburg, 45, 46; Congarees, 56, 60 n., 
62, 63, 174; Williamsburg, 83; Welsh 
Tract, 91, 93; Wateree, 105, 106, 



294 



Index 



170; piedmont, 115; Saluda, 131; 
Waxhaws, 139, 142, 143; Broad, 149, 
ISO, 156; back country, 166, 173, 175, 
221 n. 
Whitaker, Benjamin, attorney-general, 
chief justice, quarrel with Johnson, 23 
White, Henry, Waxhaws, 144 
White, William, Wateree, 105 
White Hall, Stevens Creek, 127 
Whitefield, George, 96 
Whitford, Robert, Amelia, 43 
Wilds, Mary, Welsh Tract, 91 
Wilds, Samuel, Welsh Tract, 90-92 
Wilkinson, Edward, Cherokee trade 

factor, 247 
Wilkinsons Creek, 148, 156, 157 
Wilks, James, 161 n. 
William, Margaret, Welsh Tract, 91 
Williams, James, Saluda, 130 
Williams, Fev. Robert, Welsh Tract, 

94 n., 96 
Williamsburg Presbyterian Church, 

84-85 
Williamsburg Township, 98, 100, 143, 
160, 251; discontent of settlers, 26; 
settlers from, 67, 85, 101, 105, 106, 
108, 136, 137, 140; map, 78; settle- 
ment, 79-86; Scotch-Irish in, 79-82; 
hemp and flax, 82-83 ; indigo and 
slaves, 83-84; significance, 85-86; 
Indian troubles, 93; demand for rep- 
resentation, 183; warrants, 1761-1765, 
257 
Williamson, Andrew, Stevens Creek, 

126 n., 127, 246, 255 
Wilson, David, Williamsburg, 79 
Wilson, Robert, Black, 108 
Wilsons Creek, Saluda, 118, 120 
Wine, bounty for, 29; proposed for 



Purrysburg, 34, for Orangeburg, 45, 

for Saluda, 126; in Congarees, 176 
Winyah Bay, 248 
Winyaw Indians, 12 
Witherspoon, David, Williamsburg, 83 
Witherspoon, Gavin, Williamsburg, 79 
Wood, Alexander, 70, 191; in western 

trade, 69; and southwest expansion, 

190 
Wright, Anthony, Wateree, 102 
Wright, Governor James, Georgia, 246 
Wright, Thomas, Waxhaws, 138 
Wiirttemberg, immigrants from, 151-153 
Wyly, John, Wateree, 103 
Wyly, Samuel, Wateree, 103-105; 137- 

139, 170 

Yadkin River, 105, 143, 217, 250 
Yamasee Indians, 12, 17, 63 n. 
Yamasee War, 7, 10, 17, 18, 137, 185, 

192, 198, 234, 244 
Young, Francis, Peedee, 90, 97 n. 
Young, Henry, Orangeburg, 225 
Young, Jacob, Congarees, 52 
Young, William, Edisto forks, 48 
Young Warrior, Cherokee headman, 237 

Zimmerman, Philip, Londonborough, 
256 n. 

Zouberbuhler, Bartholomew, Jr., Or- 
angeburg, 47 

Zouberbuhler, Bartholomew, Sr., New 
Windsor, 67 

Zouberbuhler, Sebastian, New Windsor, 
66-67 

Zubly, David, Purrysburg, 39, 40 n. 

Zubly, John Joachim, 39, 69 n., 152 

Zurich, Switzerland, 55, 57 



VITA 

The author of this work was born at Allendale, South Carolina, in 
1890. He attended public schools in the state and graduated from Wofford 
College in 1912 with the degree of A,B. He received the degree of A.M. 
from Columbia University in 1914 and since that time has done further 
work in that institution and in the University of Chicago. Since 1919 he 
has been a member of the staff of the History Department of the University 
of South Carolina.